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111.
功利性改造犹如一把双刃剑,在价值存在问题上,正负兼备。在具体的改造工作上,广大监狱民警用这种手段,直接追求的是它的正价值,无力阻止的是它潜滋暗长的负价值。因此,正确处理罪犯改造的治标与治本关系,科学地进行罪犯分类,合理安排罪犯的劳动项目,矫治个别化,是今后的罪犯改造中应当培植的理念与实践进路。  相似文献   
112.
随着中国经济的发展和经济实力的增强,人民币在国际市场上面临严峻的升值压力。人民币升值问题已成为全球经济界关注的焦点问题。人民币升值对我国经济既有消极的影响又有积极的作用。当前我们应该在分清利弊的基础上,做好相关的应对措施,缓解人民币升值的压力。  相似文献   
113.
文化产业化是文化经济一体化的显性阶段,由于国情的差异,中西方的文化产业化经历了不同的发展道路,并表现出科教产业、休闲娱乐产业、传媒产业、体育产业等共同的产业形态。当代文化产业化在优化经济结构、推动文化独立以及确保经济与文化可持续发展方面的积极功效明显,但同时也带来了文化价值贬损及享乐主义泛滥的负面效应。  相似文献   
114.
王淑君 《青年论坛》2010,(2):135-137
语际迁移一直是外语界关注的焦点之一。迁移是个复杂的概念,对它的研究不应仅停留在静态层面上,更要从动态角度进行深入探究。汉语对英语学习产生干扰的同时,也有积极的促进作用,学习者应充分发挥母语的正迁移效应,加快外语学习进程。  相似文献   
115.
我国的一系列政治报告,都非常重视民主建设和生态文明建设。民主建设与环境治理之间具有密切的联系,民主对环境治理的作用取决于许多因素。民主通过选举、审议和参与,表达了公众对政府和企业环境行为的意见,从而影响到环境治理的效果。要研究民主在环境治理过程中的作用,需要重视公众的环境意识、民主制度真实效果和民主制度的运行机制对环境的作用,同时,也需要重视司法制度环境治理中的作用。  相似文献   
116.
Abstract

This study tested the hypothesis that a history of chronic alcohol abuse is the key variable underlying the previously reported association between criminal recidivism, impulsivity and differentiation of the Go/NoGo contingent negative variation (CNV). Forty male Singaporean prison inmates were assessed for presence of antisocial personality disorder (APD), a history of alcohol and other substance abuse, and psychopathy. CNV was recorded in the Go/NoGo paradigm in groups comprising inmates with (ALC+: N = 29) and without (ALC?: N = 11) a history of alcohol abuse. As predicted, the ALC+ group showed significantly degraded Go/NoGo CNVs (poor differentiation). This suggests that the “high risk” group of mentally disordered found to recidivate in studies by Howard and Lumsden (1996; 1997) may have shared a history of alcohol abuse. Results are discussed in the context of a developmental biopsychosocial model of risk for engaging in criminal behaviour.  相似文献   
117.
Thos article argues that granting citizenship rights to the minorities cannot help to instil a sense of confidence in them to participate as equal citizens in the public sphere. Rather the state has to create necessary conditions both through institutional mechanisms as well as through creating a democratic and egalitarian environment where those rights can be enjoyed. A liberal democracy can accommodate both individual as well as group rights and allow for legal pluralism by desisting from imposing any law that can result in the loss of identity for a minority group. But at the same time a liberal democracy is to ensure that individual rights are not jeopardised while safeguarding the minority rights. If particularistic demands do not conflict with basic individual liberty and dignity, they can and should be accommodated within the universalistic framework of citizenship.  相似文献   
118.

This study is based on data from a three-wave telephone panel survey conducted during the 1998 governor's race in Florida. The evidence suggests that a considerable amount of issue-related learning (having to do with candidate policy stands and group endorsements) took place over the course of the general election campaign, though substantial differences were observed from one issue area to the next. Further analysis indicates that learning was especially likely to occur among voters (a) who were more knowledgeable about political affairs to start with (confirming that the so-called “knowledge gap” may be exacerbated during campaigns), (b) who scored high on a measure of advertising negativity (for one candidate but not the other), and (c) who early in the campaign, read their local newspaper less frequently. Consistent with prior research, TV news appears to have done little or nothing to boost issue-based learning among the electorate.  相似文献   
119.
Peter Gross 《政治交往》2013,30(1):117-119
In the fall of 1994 a nonpartisan and nonprofit voter information organization Project Vote Smart-designed and implemented an education project for "atrisk" voters in northern California. The Project Vote Smart (PVS) effort was a systematic attempt to provide typically nonvoting groups both information and incentive to participate in the November general election. The results presented here suggest that the receipt of PVS materials did not directly increase the likelihood of voting or election interest. However, the receipt of PVS materials did make voters feel better about the resources they had to bring to bear on electoral choices.  相似文献   
120.
Although there is evidence that negative advertising “works” at least some of the time, little is known about how candidates should respond when they are attacked. In this study, we proceed from the assumption that hard-hitting attacks on relevant topics (those that speak to how someone will perform in office), if well-crafted and credible, are most likely to have the desired outcome and, hence, are the ones that targeted candidates can least afford to ignore. We use data from two experiments, first, to confirm this assumption and, second, to assess the relative effectiveness of five response types: counterattacks, denials, counterimaging, justifications, and charges of mudslinging. Our results suggest that while some responses work better than others, there are a variety of ways, both positive and negative, to “reframe” a campaign attack so as to diminish its potential impact on voters.  相似文献   
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