中泰现代外交关系的建立:以20世纪30年代后两国正式建交努力为中心的考察(1932-1946)

19世纪中叶中泰之间的朝贡体系瓦解,自此以后的近100年间,两国官方关系一直处于断绝的状态。20世纪30年代南京国民政府政局初定,便开始寻求与泰国建立正式的外交关系。但直到第二次世界大战后,1946年两国才签署正式的外交文件,恢复了中断多年的关系。本文以这一时期中泰两国围绕设领和建交等问题的交涉和努力为中心进行考察,揭示此过程背后变动的国际形势和国内因素对于两国关系的走向,不同时期双方政府的不同考量,以及华人问题如何与外交问题相缠绕,如何制约和影响两国的建交进程。     

化解过剩产能中的劳动关系风险形成机制与治理研究

去产能过程中企业与劳动者之间将发生密集的劳动关系调整,并可能产生劳资矛盾。针对74家企业1657份员工调查问卷的分析发现,去产能企业群体性劳资冲突风险总体可控,但仍有可能发生。年龄偏大、学历较低、缺乏技能和手艺的职工和非正式工通常采取激烈维权方式,发生劳动关系风险的概率较高。在评估去产能企业劳动关系风险水平的基础上,研究从外部环境、政府行为、企业应对三个角度提出了劳动关系风险发生的诱发性因素和抑制性因素,并提出了治理化解过剩产能中劳动关系风险的相关建议。     

新就业形态中非典型雇佣关系影响因素及优化

在相关理论模型的基础上，通过对 10 个典型的 C2C 互联网企业的深入调研及访谈构建了非典型 雇佣关系影响因素模型，并进行了实证检验。研究发现，宏观政策、宏观经济、平台企业、劳动者、消费者等 多个层面因素都对非典型雇佣关系有显著作用效果。在此基础上，本文还提出了非典型雇佣关系优化的调解机制、 制度安排和政策选择。     

工会组织视角下的新时代和谐劳动关系构建

新时代劳动关系具有党和国家高度重视、建立运行多元复杂、职工技能转型压力提高以及受外 部贸易影响增大等四个方面的典型特征。研究结合新时代背景及工会组织自身特点，提出了工会组织要坚持互 利双赢，坚持素质提升，坚持协商协调，坚持依法构建等四点构建和谐劳动关系的基本思路。     

First impressions: Western barbarians at the Celestial Court

Britain's First View of China: Lord Macartney's Embassy to the Peking Court, 1792–94. A joint British Museum/British Library Exhibition. Sponsored and supported by the British Taiwan Cultural Institute. British Museum, 10 October 1992–4 April 1993.

The Collision of Two Civilisations: The British Expedition to China 1792–4, by Alain Peyrefitte (translated from the French by Jon Rothschild). Harvill, London, 1993. xxxiii + 630 pp., colour illus., maps. £30. ISBN 0–00–272677–7.     

中国的东北亚难题:中日、中韩和中朝关系的战略安全形势

中国和日本都在实行某种总体上对于对方的战略“双轨”方针,一方面谋求在有限程度上改善关系,另一方面继续进行战略对峙和战略预防。中国需要进一步稳定目前的中日关系,继续缓解对抗,防止军事冲突,同时依靠缓解对抗来阻滞日本行进中的解禁集体自卫权进程。美韩两国在韩部署“萨德”反导系统的决定导致中国强烈愤怒,中韩关系随之急剧和显著地恶化。然而,争取和维持韩国对中国的基本或起码友善这个重大利益依然存在,它密切地关系到防止和制止朝鲜半岛成为美国针对中国的战略/军事堡垒,因而中国对韩国要不将任何基本的事情“做绝”,尽可能不主动损伤中韩关系多年发展造就的每一项已有的重大成果。中国在朝鲜和朝鲜半岛问题上有六项很经久的核心利益或重大利害,它们都对中国至关紧要,因而总的来说不能扬此抑彼,更不能舍彼取此。必须估计到,朝鲜问题上对中国总的来说有利的、基本和平地解决问题的时机早已过去,今后该问题的前途对中国来说都严重不祥。因而,从长远出发特别重要的是,对朝决不将任何基本的事情“做绝”,防止或阻止朝鲜持对华持久敌视态度；任何情况下都决不容许美国和美韩同盟在军事上控制朝鲜半岛北部。     

Introduction: negotiating the promotion of democracy

ABSTRACT

This article makes the case for why we should turn to studying democracy promotion negotiation, outlines the research questions guiding this special issue, identifies overarching findings and summarizes the individual contributions. After outlining the rationale for more attention to the issue of negotiation, which we understand as a specific form of interaction between external and local actors in democracy promotion, we outline three basic assumptions informing our research: (1) Democracy promotion is an international practice that is necessarily accompanied by processes of negotiation. (2) These negotiation processes, in turn, have an impact upon the practice and outcome of democracy promotion. (3) For external democracy promotion to be mutually owned and effective, genuine negotiations between ‘promoters’ and ‘local actors’ are indispensable; the term ‘genuine’ here being understood as including a substantial exchange on diverging values and interests. The article, then, introduces the three research questions for this agenda, concerning the issues on the negotiation table, the parameters shaping negotiation processes, and the results of democracy promotion negotiation. We conclude by presenting an overview of the overarching findings of the special issue as well as with brief summaries of the individual contributions.     

Whither a Theory of Inter-organisational Relations: A Burgeon Field of Research Between Conceptual Innovation and Fragmentation

ABSTRACT

This article discusses the potential emergence of a theory on inter-organisational relations (IOR). Although no dominant set of causal statements about IOR exists, which is traditionally associated with a theory, the literature has made substantial advancements in the last decade. The main aim of this contribution is to review the respective literature, portraying its merits and shortcomings. The article shows that a rich analytical repertoire of instruments for research exists but that scholarship struggles to make use of these advancements. The article argues that an IOR theory is on the horizon but the field needs to accept and better conceptualise phenomena which lay outside the traditional understanding of theory building.     

论生态文明与科学发展观

科学发展观是在总结国内外经验教训、立足我国现实国情的基础上提出的,为我国经济社会建设提供了理论支持,指明了发展方向。生态文明建设是我党在我国新的经济发展形势以及人与自然关系矛盾凸显的时期适时提出的,为我国当前正确处理人与自然关系的指明了前进的道路。科学发展观的四项主要内容分别为生态文明建设提供了现实措施,找到了归宿,提出了要求,指明了发展路径。     

The Moroccan system of labour institutions: a class-based perspective

Abstract

The relevance of workers’ mobilisations in the 2011 Arab uprisings and – more recently – in the Algerian movement for democracy and social justice has encouraged a renewed interest in labour–state relations in the region. This article presents a class-based perspective on labour institutions, taking Morocco as a case study. In contrast to institution-based approaches, this research argues that it is problematic to treat the trade unions as analytical proxies for the working class, because this heuristic move conceals how class struggles – from below and from above – can transcend and transform labour institutions. The article proposes a framework to study labour–state relations, highlighting the relative autonomy of union officials from workers and vice versa. In this way, it shows how, in the neoliberal phase, the Moroccan state increased inducements to the unions while decreasing those to the workers and maintaining significant constraints on workplace organising. To use a simplified formulation, the regime included the unions to exclude the workers. In such a context of low union representativeness, the dangers of reducing the working class to the trade unions emerge clearly.