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291.
A decade after retrocession to China, Hong Kong still has limited democracy. Only half of the legislature is directly elected by the people, and the Chief Executive – the leader of Hong Kong government – is chosen by an election committee of 800 people, most of them loyal to Beijing. In December 2007, the Chinese Central Government announced that the direct election of the Chief Executive and the whole legislature may be implemented from 2017 and 2020, respectively. Still, in this paper it is suggested that real democracy in the foreseeable future is unlikely. This paper demonstrates the existence of a “power elite” of tightly knit business-state networks in Hong Kong society and argues that this constitutes a systemic barrier against further democratic development. Central to the discussion is an analysis of the formation and composition of the legislature and the relations to the elite-interlocks among influential organisations in society. Mainly based on 2006‐07 data, the Elite Database which is subject to network analyses is composed of 1531 individuals holding 1854 seats from 40 listed corporations, 27 government committees, 20 non-governmental organisations, and eight universities. 相似文献
292.
Mark I. Pinsky 《政治交往》2013,30(3):371-374
Recent evidence supports the important political role that political network size and distribution plays at both the individual and system levels. However, we argue that the evidence is likely stronger than the current literature suggests due to network size measurement limitations in the extant literature. The most common approach to measuring political network size in sample surveys—the “name generator” approach—normally constrains network size measurement to three to six individuals. Because of this constraint, research often undercounts individual network size and also leads to a misrepresentation of the distribution of the underlying variable. Using multiple data sets and alternative measurement approaches, we reveal that political network hubs—individuals with inordinately large network sizes not captured by name generators—exist and can be identified with a simple summary network measure. We also demonstrate that the summary network size measure reveals the expected differences in communicative, personality, and political variables across network size better than name generator measures. This suggests that not only has prior research failed to identify network hubs, but it has likely underestimated the influence of political network size at the individual level. 相似文献
293.
Andrew Chadwick 《政治交往》2013,30(3):283-301
This article summarizes a study of 37 televised debates on political issues in Denmark, conducted live before representative audiences, with polls on the issues before and after each debate. These debates are of interest to research because they were authentic, and they supply data indicating persuasive effects. Various rhetorical features were observed and related to debaters success in attracting votes. In a qualitative interpretation of the observations, we suggest that debates such as these are likely to be won by debaters whose argumentation is fair and thoughtful. Audiences may respond differently depending on whether they are voters or merely viewers. The debate format may enhance such a response, for the benefit of the democratic process. 相似文献
294.
295.
《Critical Studies on Terrorism》2013,6(2):209-226
Social network analysis has been adopted by a number of governments in their counterinsurgency campaigns. By using network analysis, security agencies claim they can render militant groups impotent by targeting ‘nodal points’ or key links in insurgent networks. The article makes three arguments on the potentially counterproductive nature of social network analysis-assisted counterinsurgency campaigns. Firstly, social network analysis may be ‘too successful’ in stripping militant movements of a cadre who could negotiate a peace accord. Secondly, social network analysis-assisted campaigns fail to address the root causes of violent conflict. Thirdly, by denuding communities of social capital and social entrepreneurs, social network analysis – as a counterinsurgency tool – may condemn communities to underdevelopment and failed post-war reconstruction. In short, the ‘magic weapon’ of social network analysis might actually prolong the conflict it is supposed to help quell. The article employs the government of Sri Lanka's social network analysis-assisted counterinsurgency campaign as a case study, though it also has application to other cases. It concludes by considering if social network analysis can be put to more constructive uses, specifically in the rebuilding of communities after violent conflict. 相似文献
296.
Abstract The international political science literature is ambiguous on the point if the involvement of a plurality of external actors (citizens, economic and social groups, NGOs and CSOs, Universities and experts, different public authorities at the same or at different territorial level, etc.) in governance processes is an end in itself (because it increases democracy) or it is useful in order to achieve better results in the production of public goods. This article espouses the latter hypothesis and tries to understand if a governance perspective brings about a higher level of innovation in metropolitan areas. In order to test this hypothesis, two metrics are designed: ? In measuring innovation, the ideas are that there are four dimensions in urban innovation (agenda innovation, process innovation, product innovation and innovative communication) and that a metropolitan city has to score high in most of them in order to be considered really innovative. ? As far as governance is concerned, the analytical proposal is that the ideal governance network is at the same time complex (bringing together actors from different territorial levels and from different societal and institutional domains), dense (favouring direct interaction between the actors) and ‘focused’ (showing one or few actors able to act as focal points of the network). Drawing from a research done in four Italian cities (Turin, Milan, Florence and Naples) through the reconstruction of 120 urban innovation processes, the article illustrates the analytical steps taken and the conclusions that can be reached. 相似文献
297.
Privacy by Design is now enjoying widespread acceptance. The EU has recently expressly included it as one of the key principles in the revised data protection legal framework. But how does Privacy by design and data anonymisation work in practise? In this article the authors address this question from a practical point of view by analysing a case study on EU Financial Intelligence Units (“FIUs”) using the Ma3tch technology as additional feature to the existing exchange of information via FIU.NET decentralised computer network. They present, analyse, and evaluate Ma3tch technology from the perspective of personal data protection. The authors conclude that Ma3tch technology can be seen as a valuable example of Privacy by Design. It achieves data anonymisation and enhances data minimisation and data security, which are the fundamental elements of Privacy by Design. Therefore, it may not only improve the exchange of information among FIUs and allow for the data processing to be in line with applicable data protection requirements, but it may also substantially contribute to the protection of privacy of related data subjects. At the same time, the case study clearly shows that Privacy by Design needs to be supported and complemented by appropriate organisational and technical procedures to assure that the technology solutions devised to protect privacy would in fact do so. 相似文献
298.
本文用社会网络和统计分析方法对浙江省144家上市公司2009年的连锁董事网络进行了研究分析,发现浙江省连锁董事网络具有幂律分布的特征.在此基础上,通过NLS回归分析发现,浙江上市公司连锁董事网络的“质”中心度与企业绩效正相关,“量”中心度与企业绩效负相关,连锁董事网络的行业趋同度和地域趋同度也与企业绩效负相关,利用OLS回归分析进行稳健性检验,发现这些实证结论依然稳健.基于这些实证结果,本文在理论上的贡献在于:证明了连锁董事网络具有异质性特征;连锁董事网络中心度,在“质”和“量”上对企业的绩效贡献迥异;上市公司要发挥连锁董事网络实质性的绩效贡献,宜强化“质”的耕耘、而非“量”的拓展,力求构建异质网络、避免过度嵌入与趋同. 相似文献
299.
网络流行语往往与社会重大公共事件相伴相生,折射出深刻的社会背景,一定程度地反映了我国社会转型期人们的心理状况,对网络舆论的走向起着推波助澜的作用。网络流行语具有触发性、速成性、反讽性、易煽动性和短暂性等特征,具有正负两方面的社会效应。公安机关作为代表国家行使公安职权和履行公安职责的国家机关,应积极关注网络流行语的动态,把握网络流行语的形成特点及产生发展规律,切实转变工作方式,畅通公众沟通渠道,坚持公平、公正、公开原则,正确引导网络舆论。 相似文献
300.
陈东冬 《安徽警官职业学院学报》2014,(4):119-122
社会主义核心价值观明确了国家、社会、公民三个层面的价值目标、价值取向、价值准则,培育和弘扬社会主义核心价值观,关系国家长治久安和社会和谐稳定。网络信息时代,社会主义核心价值观与网络信息安全密切相关,从国家层面来看,网络信息安全是维护国家意识形态的技术保障,有助于巩固社会主义核心价值观的主导地位。从社会层面来看,网络信息安全是维护社会和谐稳定的有效路径,有助于发挥社会主义核心价值观的引领作用。从个体层面来看,网络信息安全是保障公民网络信息权利的基本前提,有助于扩大社会主义核心价值观的认同空间。 相似文献