基于校园网的公安教学初探

随着网络技术的迅猛发展,校园网已成为公安高校信息化教育的组成部分,对公安教学工作产生了重要影响和作用。它既为教师教学、科研工作带来极大的便利,又为学生学习提供了良好的实践环境,同时也实现了公安教学资源共享和丰富了公安教学方式。但是在校园网应用过程中出现的诸多问题阻碍了其作用的发挥。为此,必须扩大校园网的覆盖面;转变教师的教育思想观念;提高师生信息素养;丰富校园网络教学资源;建立和完善公安院校网络教学的评价体系。     

长江下游水域治安管理现状及对策

当前长江下游水域治安问题突出,侵财性案件较多;非法采砂的行为屡禁不绝;群体性事件和水上治安灾害事故突出。在治安管理过程中面临着执法依据不全、管理体制不顺、水上警务保障不足的困境。     

再论公安工作与群众路线

坚持和贯彻群众路线是公安机关的优良传统和特色。在新世纪新形势下,公安机关必须继承和发展群众路线,解放思想,与时俱进,不断创新群众路线,从而更加有效地发挥职能作用。     

论公安文书语言的生动性

公安文书语言的生动性是由公安文书的功用和特点决定的。在写作实践中,通过恰当使用修辞格、灵活地运用词语、巧妙地安排句式等来达到生动的目的。要全面准确地把握公安文书语言生动性的内涵,必须注意几个问题:语言生动与内容准确的关系、公安文书语言的生动性与文学作品的生动性的区别、讲求公安文书语言的生动性必须适应不同文种的特点和要求。     

高速公路抢劫犯罪研究与思考

近年来高速公路已经成为抢劫等暴力性犯罪的集中地。针对高速公路抢劫犯罪的特点和频发原因,需要通过构建高速公路治安管理体系、增强高速交警的战斗力、提高高速公路所有者、管理者的责任意识和人民群众的防范意识等手段,遏制高速公路抢劫案件的发生。     

Investing in multi-stakeholder dialogue to address natural resource competition and conflict

How can multi-stakeholder dialogue help assess and address the roots of environmental resource competition and conflict? This article summarises the outcomes and lessons from action research in large lake systems in Uganda, Zambia, and Cambodia. Dialogues linking community groups, NGOs and government agencies have reduced local conflict, produced agreements with private investors, and influenced government priorities in ways that respond to the needs of marginalised fishing communities. The article details policy guidance in four areas: building stakeholder commitment, understanding the institutional and governance context, involving local groups in the policy reform process, and embracing adaptability in programme implementation.     

“Gendering” European security: policy changes,reform coalitions and opposition in the OSCE

The Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) has rarely been considered in scholarship on gender and security, even though it was one of the regional security organisations whose gender policy predated the United Nations Security Council’s call for more international attention to issues related to women, peace and security in October 2000. Based on an analysis of official OSCE documents and on semi-structured interviews, we trace the integration of gender issues in the OSCE and explore the rationale behind and the challenges associated with it. We identify two phases of gender policy change in the OSCE and show how the integration of UNSCR 1325 brought about an expansion of OSCE gender policy from an exclusive focus on “soft” security issues towards increased inclusion of gender in the area of “hard” security. Drawing on historical and feminist institutionalism, we argue that reform coalitions were crucial for the policy changes in the OSCE but that they encountered institutional and ideational barriers, which hampered implementation of the gender policy. In light of rising opposition, our analysis warns of a backlash that might jeopardise current achievements.     

The military dimension of Russia’s connection with Europe

The Russian challenge to the European security system is internal rather than external, because despite all the political efforts at distancing Russia from Europe, the indivisibility remains undiminished. The underlying assumption for Russia’s course is that the West is in irreversible decline, and the conclusion about the dissolution of the West-controlled world order is established in the key doctrinal documents. Instead of passively waiting for this meltdown to develop, it makes perfect sense for the Russian leadership to accelerate it pro-actively, using various levers, including military force. Moscow acts on the assumption that its “unconventional” methods could yield results only if augmented by military threats, against which the Europeans cannot master convincing counter-argument. The imperative to sustain and update credibility of these threats necessitates allocation of greater share of available resources to military build-up, which clashes with economic rationale of reducing this burden in the situation of protracted stagnation.     

Does European defence really matter? Fortunes and misfortunes of the Common Security and Defence Policy

This article examines how the defence component of the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) has been revisited over the last few years. It argues that while the CSDP has grown predominantly as a security – rather than defence – policy, the latest developments that include the creation of a military headquarter, the launching of a Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO) and the new role for the European Commission in defence funding, attest to an evolution towards a more central EU defence policy. In the meantime, the article points to some structural impediments to the materialisation of European defence. The momentum says little about the form and finality of military operations that EU states will have to conduct so as to give a meaning to defence in a European context. Moreover, persisting divergences in the EU member states’ respective strategic cultures and institutional preferences – notably vis-à-vis NATO – are likely to continue to constrain European defence self-assertion.     

To revise or not to revise: the ‘peace constitution’, pro-revision movement,and Japan's national identity

Why do conservative nationalists in Japan continuously seek to revise the constitution despite the past failures, and what is the likelihood of successful revision and its impact on Japan's norm of pacifism and its use of force? The article offers an analytical framework for the issue based on national pride and national security, and argues that the ‘revisionists’ seek to create a new national identity, one that infuses a greater sense of national pride among the public and enables the exercise of collective self-defense, thereby removing Japan's postwar psychological and institutional limitations on nationalism and military activities. The LDP's 2012 draft is most explicit and ambitious in this regard, with the current revision attempt under Abe having the highest chance of success since the 1950s. Successful revision would significantly expand Japan's security activities, particularly within the framework of the US–Japan Security Alliance, and entail the end of Japan's unique postwar institutionalized pacifism, although the norm of pacifism will linger on as a constitutional principle. For a smoother return to the international military scene, the Japanese government must distance itself from historical revisionism and utilize its enhanced military role to promote regional public goods rather than merely protecting its narrow national interests.