执政安全与党内民主建设中的风险防范

维护执政安全,防控执政风险,是执政党巩固执政地位的必然要求.执政党的执政风险可能来自多个方面,其中包括执政党自身的民主建设状况,故必须加强党内民主建设,发展党内民主.如果在党内民主建设中出现原则性偏差或措施失当,有可能在党内造成思想多元、成员分层、组织分派、政治权威降低等,从而削弱党的凝聚力和战斗力,进而威胁党的执政地位和党的生存发展.因此,在推进党内民主建设时,必须强化风险防范意识,并从目标、方向、道路、制度、程序等方面着手,探索出一条增量式、渐进式的党内民主发展道路.     

城中村失地农民社会保障模式比较研究——基于CTPLCSI框架的分析

城中村失地农民作为一种特殊群体,对土地保障的替代机制具有更加强烈的需求,在替代保障机制的选择或构建中具有得天独厚的优势。文章在CTPLCSI框架的基础上对我国当前17个省市的城中村失地农民社会保障模式的政策和实践类型进行了梳理、归纳、比较和分析,认为,构建城中村失地农民社会保障模式,应树立“公平正义、兼顾效率”的保障理念,坚持“因地制宜、分类保障、立法护航、稳步推进”的指导原则,实现“福利改进、城乡统筹”的模式目标。     

农村社会保障面临的困境、挑战与对策

建立和完善农村社会保障体系,让农民能够得到比较可靠的社会基本保障,不仅是现实的农村经济和社会现状以及农村人口结构变化的需要,更是维护农村大局稳定和建设和谐社会的需要。我国农村传统的土地养老保障和家庭养老方式,已经不适应经济社会转型时期的农民需求,要积极探索和建立新型农村社会保障体系。     

论实习学生劳动保障的责任人及相关责任

每年数百万顶岗实习学生都面对潜在的劳动伤害风险问题.对此,国家要尽快搭建起公平有序的实习生用工平台;学校应把好实习企业和实习岗位的质量关;企业要全面负责实习学生在岗行为管理;实习学生要信守协议、提高自我保护能力.     

Developing the meat grab

‘Meat grabbing’ describes actually existing land deals undertaken for industrial meat production, either directly in the form of animal housing and stocking (confined animal feeding operations, or CAFOs), or indirectly in the form of monocrop grain and oilseed production for livestock feed. Meat grabbing is also a concept for analyzing the relationships between industrial meat regimes, food security politics and the global land rush, relationships which have not yet been sufficiently considered in research or in policy. Using China's reform-era meat revolution as an analytical case, this paper proposes meat grabbing as a concept with three broad goals: (1) to show how industrial meat complicates notions of food security and of food security land grabs, (2) to incorporate social inequalities and environmental injustices into the conceptualization and measurement of land deals and (3) to expand dispossession's domain to include relationships between people and agroecosystems. This is an initial exploration of the content and framing of meat grabs, intended to synthesize its core features and raise questions for further study.     

社会保障权的宪法思考

社会保障权是公民在年老、疾病或者丧失劳动能力的情况下,国家和社会给予物质帮助的权利.社会保障权既是社会权利、经济权利,更是宪法权利、基本权利.确立社会保障权的宪法地位对于发挥其保障作用尤为关键.     

Does fertiliser use improve household welfare? Evidence from Ghana’s cocoa industry

This article analyses welfare impacts of fertiliser adoption using data collected from 838 cocoa farm households in the four key cocoa-producing regions in Ghana. Using propensity score matching (PSM), the study indicates that application of fertiliser leads to significant gains in farm yields, farm income, consumption expenditure, consumption expenditure per capita, and value of productive farm assets. The article concludes that cocoa-specific programmes such as Cocoa High Technology (Cocoa Hi-tech), initiated to intensify the application of improved farm technologies such as fertiliser, should be strengthened through effective and efficient management systems.     

美国国家安全情报传递机制论析

作为世界上情报体系最为发达的国家,美国国家安全情报机制一直以来备受各方关注。九一一事件催生了美国情报体系全面而彻底的改革。经过十多年的努力,美国情报界实现了从机构林立的分散体系到由国家情报总监办公室领导的有机整体的重大转型。从总体机制来看,美国情报界现已形成情报机构一体化与任务一体化的双轮驱动体系,其情报传递网络不仅涵盖领导、协调、执行三个层级间的纵向传送,而且包括不同情报机构之间的横向协调,基本实现了情报整合与信息共享。美国国家情报总监办公室成为名副其实的美国情报界统领,其下设的反恐、反扩散、反情报和网络情报中心构成了美国国家安全情报分类传递机制的四大支柱。通过比较,四大分类传递机制中最为成熟的是反恐中心,其次是反情报与安全中心,再次是网络威胁情报整合中心,最后是反扩散中心。由于各类情报机制自身发展程度的不同,其改革过程中所面临的挑战也不一样。美国国家安全情报传递机制的改革“瓶颈”既有发展不足导致的结构性困境,也有外部安全环境变化带来的挑战。此外,特朗普政府上台后的一系列政策举措使得美国国家安全情报体系的发展方向呈现出新的态势。     

Terrorist violence and the enrollment of psychology in predicting Muslim extremism: critical terrorism studies meets critical algorithm studies

Discourse on terrorist violence has long facilitated an especially liberal form of securitisation. Originally evoked in reference to anarchists and communists, a rational consideration of terrorist violence, inaugurated by the concept, asks for deferred judgement about the nature of, or reasons behind, violence related to terror on the premise that state and international legal norms governing the legitimate use of violence fail to circumscribe the proper capacities of the state to regulate and explain terrorism. Where sovereign powers along with their military and civilian instruments of coercion are deemed unable to regulate violence effectively, analysts of terrorist violence and their readership are invited to consider and cultivate new sensibilities. Beginning in the 1980s, studies by psychologists found renewed urgency among a growing cadre of interdisciplinary terror experts who found religion, Islam especially, a key variable of analysis. I situate their contributions in a longer history of secular and racialising discourse about terrorist violence. Central to this history are practices of reading, translating, interpreting and archiving texts. Evidence for the argument is based on the analysis of an algorithm that allegedly predicts the likelihood of terrorist strikes by counting words spoken by al-Qa?ida leaders and correlating their frequency with over 30 psychological categories.     

新中国70年国家安全观的演变:认知、内涵与应对

新中国成立以来,面对国内外安全环境的变化,中国实现了由传统安全观向总体国家安全观的演变,显著体现在安全环境研判、安全内容认知和安全维护手段三个方面。中共十八大以来,中国在安全方面频繁推出新理念、新方案和新举措,中国的安全能力不断增强,国际安全影响日益增加。在安全观方面,中国先后提出了总体国家安全观、亚洲新安全观、亚太安全观等理念,实现了安全观的变革与创新。安全环境研判方面,对国内安全的认知更加全面系统、对周边安全的认知更加统筹协调、对国际安全认知更加注重“中国作为”;安全内容认知方面,认知内容日益丰富,兼顾传统安全与非传统安全,统筹国家安全与人民安全;安全维护手段方面,不断完善国家安全体系、加强国家安全能力建设和推进国际安全合作。回顾新中国七十年国家安全观的演变,历经安全实践的锤炼,已经形成了一些基本经验,主要体现在安全环境研判需考虑内外因素并注重其联动性、坚持核心安全需求的底线和安全维护手段要以和为贵、文攻武备。展望未来,其重要启示在于中国的国家安全观要注重安全需求与安全能力之间的平衡,将安全能力建设视为至关重要的任务,不断促进安全维护手段的多样性和灵活性。