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211.
信任:东北亚区域安全合作的关键因素   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
东北亚安全合作问题是一个老生常谈的话题。冷战结束后,东北亚地区安全问题引起各国政府和专家、学者的关注。但到目前为止,尚未出台为东北亚地区各国所认同和接受的安全机制和安全模式。本文从一个新的视角——信任——出发,认为东北亚地区存在着信任缺失与安全困境,并在此基础上分析了影响信任建立的各种因素以及应采取的措施。  相似文献   
212.
社会保障制度是人类社会利用法律、公约、政令等手段,对劳动者实行身心保障的体系。建立健全我国社会保障法律制度,有利于社会主义市场经济的发展成熟,有利于社会分配公平化、社会稳定乃至和谐社会的建构。  相似文献   
213.
我国房改已历经近30年来,取得了重大成就,也存在明显的问题。我国住房保障立法具有必要性和可行性。就其必要性而言,住房保障是由本身的属性决定的;住宅权是人类基本人权,也是我国宪法规定的基本权利;住房保障立法有助于我国社会保障法律体系完善;同时也是我国房改以来政策法律化的必然要求。就其可行性而言,我国住房保障立法已具备了基本的理论依据、政策支持和现实基础。  相似文献   
214.
发展个性是现代教育的一个重要标志,对学生进行“个性化”培养是公安高校人才培养观念的进步。正确理解“个性化”培养的内涵、明确“个性化”培养的重要性、落实“个性化”培养的措施是新形势下公安高等教育创新发展的重要步骤。  相似文献   
215.
On December 25, 1998 the Japanese government reinterpreted a long‐standing policy prohibiting the use of outer space for military purposes by announcing its intention to develop a network of domestically produced and deployed “information‐gathering” satellites to be utilized primarily by the Japan Defense Agency (JDA) and other national security institutions. This decision is important in its own right—for one, Japan is a major player in the space technology arena—but also because of the precedent it sets for other areas of technology and military policy in Japan today. As many observers have noted, Japan appears to be undergoing a broad reexamination both of its view of the appropriate level of interaction between government bureaucracy and industry and of its military security strategy in the first decade of the twenty‐first century. The case of surveillance satellites links these two areas together, offering broader lessons for the course of Japanese policy in numerous areas in the future.  相似文献   
216.
十七大报告在阐释我国的外交理念时指出,“中国将始终不渝走和平发展道路”(P46)。这一理念奠定了新时期中国外交的基本方略。始终不渝走和平发展道路,是中国政府和人民根据时代发展潮流和自身根本利益作出的战略抉择,走和平发展道路将是中国今后很长一段时期内的基本外交理念。  相似文献   
217.
This article focuses on Ghana's security culture as reflected in its foreign policy, and how it has influenced the way the country addresses transnational security challenges in the Economic Community of West African State subregion. In this sense, the article explores some of the linkages between national and subregional security cultures in West Africa and how effectively they have complemented each other in providing a holistic response to the transnational security challenges facing Ghana. The article argues that despite the existence of different subregional conventions and protocols made possible by an emerging subregional security culture, Ghana's strategies for addressing transnational security threats have not gone much beyond the rhetoric of addressing the problems. In reality, transnational criminal activities have not only intensified but have become more challenging. Several factors contribute to this including corrupt leadership and institutional practices, security lapses and lack of interagency coordination, and inadequate resources for addressing the problem. The article calls for adequately equipping the law enforcement agencies and the implementation of relevant laws to facilitate effective responses to transnational security challenges for Ghana and other countries in West Africa.  相似文献   
218.
This special issue explores how one particular regional organisation, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), has defined certain transnational issues as security threats and how it has addressed them. In this introductory article, we begin by providing an overview and analysis of some of the most important transnational security challenges facing West Africa. Specifically, we discuss some of the problems raised by cross-border insurgencies, health challenges, organised criminal activities, terrorism and environmental degradation. We then examine the different levels at which actors have responded to these challenges. The section ‘Security culture: shaping the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) response?’ sets out our approach to thinking about the concept of security culture and asks whether it might be relevant to understanding how and why ECOWAS has focused on responding to certain transnational security challenges and not to others. The final section provides an overview of the other articles in this issue.  相似文献   
219.
The failures of regionalism and regional structures for cooperation between the five CIS Central Asian states are well studied. However, explanations so far do not convincingly account for the apparent enthusiasm of these states for the macro-regional frameworks of the Eurasian Economic Community, the Collective Security Treaty Organization and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. This article argues that, as with previous efforts at Central Asian regional self-organization, these broader organizations still largely represent a form of ‘virtual regionalism’. But for the Central Asian states they offer a new and increasingly important function, that of ‘protective integration’. This takes the form of collective political solidarity or ‘bandwagoning’ with Russia (and China in the SCO) against processes and pressures that are perceived as challenging incumbent leaders and their political entourage. A primary motivation for Central Asian leaders' engagement in the EAEC, CSTO and SCO, therefore, is the reinforcement of domestic regime security and the resistance of ‘external’ agendas of good governance or democracy promotion. These goals are concealed behind a discourse that denigrates the imposition of external ‘values’ and continues to give pride of place to national sovereignty. This offers little to overcome the underlying fractures between states in Central Asia.  相似文献   
220.
在民族落后地区社会经济发展过程中,城乡差距与贫富差距仍在扩大、社会分配不公之矛盾比较突出、医疗卫生事业薄弱、扶贫开发任务艰巨、就业岗位供给不足和就业结构性矛盾突出、人民群众的内部矛盾日渐突出、社会稳定与公共安全形势依然严峻等方面问题仍在相当程度上不利于和谐社会的构建。鉴此,现阶段也就有必要加快经济发展和新农村建设步伐,不断夯实化解社会不和谐现象的物质基础;努力完善社会保障体系,积极构建起和谐社会建设所需要的社会安全网;畅通利益诉求渠道,广泛开展平安建设,以便形成化解不和谐现象的社会基础。  相似文献   
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