香港的政党与政党政治

在港英政府 2 0世纪 80年代开始的政治体制改革中 ,随着选举政治的兴起 ,香港的政党破土而出 ,并逐渐发展起来。香港进入特区时代以后 ,政党的格局趋于稳定。随着政党的形成和发展 ,香港的政党政治也逐渐稳定下来 ,形成香港特有的政党政治。政党和政党政治的发展 ,又改变了香港的政治生态 ,使香港的政治发展出现新的面貌。     

It's not Economic Interventionism,Stupid! Reassessing the Political Economy of Radical Right‐wing Populist Parties

This paper engages in a comparative analysis of the economic positions of radical right‐wing populist parties in Western Europe. Following Ennser‐Jedenastik ( 2016 ), we argue that those parties’ political economy is best captured in terms of the nativist, populist and authoritarian features of their core ideology, each of which produces a specific set of economic policies independent from the issue of government intervention in the economy. On basis of an analysis of the election manifestos of seven radical right‐wing populist parties in Western Europe in the period 2005‐2015, we argue that those parties share similarities in their economic nativism, authoritarianism and populism, whilst their positions on the traditional role of the state in the economy are more diverse. The findings indicate also a unified ‘nativist’ response to the global financial crisis both in terms of welfare chauvinism and economic protectionism. We discuss the role of internal and external factors in explaining the economic profile of radical right‐wing populist parties.     

Institutional dynamics and party think tank development: Britain and Germany compared

Official party think tanks have been a fixture in a number of Western European democracies for many decades but not so in the Anglo-American democratic sphere even though think tanks aligned to parties have flourished. This article explores the reasons that party and think tank ties have evolved differently in these two settings through an examination of the party think tank scene in Germany and Britain. It is suggested that the predominant form of democracy operating in each of these settings helps to explain this critical difference. While the adversarial tendencies of the British political system militate against parties taking much of an interest in establishing official party think tanks, the consensual institutional dynamics associated with Germany’s political system has encouraged parties to sponsor their formation, and reinforced the perceived importance of the party think tank vehicle as agents of democratic linkage.     

Islamist Mobilisation in Secularist Strongholds: Institutional Change and Electoral Performance in Turkey

How do Islamist parties mobilise support and win elections in secularist strongholds? What explains the electoral performance of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) in Turkey’s most consistently secularist region – western Anatolia? This article explores these questions with a comparative case study of two similar cities in the periphery of ?zmir where the AKP registered significantly different electoral results: Ödemi? and Salihli. It shows that deep institutional transformations of the local party organisations, including leadership turnover, reshuffling of the party cadres, and an explicit attempt by local party leaders to moderate and move to the political centre, were necessary factors for the AKP to succeed in elections where the Islamist constituency is weak.     

论民主党派参与高校思想政治教育的路径

思想政治教育要实现育人目标,离不开全社会包括民主党派的参与。民主党派参与高校思想政治教育是其广泛参与社会生活的结果和高校思想政治教育实践教学发展的要求。民主党派参与高校思想政治教育的路径既包括宏观层面上的参政、议政,也包括微观层面上的身体力行。     

日本近年民事取证制度改革述评

日本民事取证制度一直以来都以文书提出命令制度为主导,但当事人照会制度在新民事诉讼法中的增设,打破了大陆法系国家民事取证制度中法院参与的惯常做法,受到了日本学界与实务界的普遍肯定。在近年对民事诉讼法所进行的若干次修改中,日本立法机关又对当事人照会制度以及先前的文书提出命令制度等进行了改革与完善,逐渐形成了独具日本特色的民事取证制度体系。就长远来看,日本在民事取证领域仍将继续保持法官职权进行主义的取证模式,但其中会呈现出愈益浓厚的当事人主义色彩。     

要重视和加强参政党思想理论建设

思想理论建设是参政党的根本建设,应该重视和加强.要从国内外形势变化和党派成员结构变化、参政党自身建设、提高参政党整体素质、始终保持进步性等方面,充分认识参政党思想理论建设的重要性和必要性;要澄清对参政党思想理论建设的一些认识误区,准确把握参政党思想理论建设的基本内涵;要根据时代发展和形势变化,正确认识和切实抓好当前参政党思想理论建设的重要任务.     

检察监督过程中当事人诉权的保 障简

修订后的《民事诉讼法》第二百零九条规定了当事人向人民检察院提出申请检察建议和抗诉的程序，较之修订前的民事诉讼法有较大的进步且更加规范，是当事人维护自身权利的有力保障。民行检察部门应规范程序，完善制度建设，多举措并重，做到当事人息讼工作，以维护社会和谐稳定。     

浅析行政强制拆迁

行政强制拆迁,具有高效性、快捷性和低成本性,但由于我们对行政强制拆迁的使用不当,使其备受争议。文章认为行政强制拆迁具有很多可取之处,它启示我们：要坚持依法行政的原则,加强媒体的正确舆论导向,严格房屋拆迁的程序。     

Holding parties responsible at election time: Multi-level,multi-party government and electoral accountability

This paper highlights the crucial role played by party-specific responsibility attributions in performance-based voting. Three models of electoral accountability, which make distinct assumptions regarding citizens' ability to attribute responsibility to distinct governing parties, are tested in the challenging Northern Ireland context – an exemplar case of multi-level multi-party government in which expectations of performance based voting are low. The paper demonstrates the operation of party-attribution based electoral accountability, using data from the 2011 Northern Ireland Assembly Election Study. However, the findings are asymmetric: accountability operates in the Protestant/unionist bloc but not in the Catholic/nationalist bloc. This asymmetry may be explained by the absence of clear ethno-national ideological distinctions between the unionist parties (hence providing political space for performance based accountability to operate) but the continued relevance in the nationalist bloc of ethno-national difference (which limits the scope for performance politics). The implications of the findings for our understanding of the role of party-specific responsibility attribution in performance based models of voting, and for our evaluation of the quality of democracy in post-conflict consociational polities, are discussed.