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161.
Anja Osei 《Journal of contemporary African studies : JCAS》2013,31(4):543-563
Political parties are generally thought of as agents of democracy that fulfil a range of functions, such as policy formulation, interest aggregation and articulation, social integration, and elite recruitment. However, given the weakness of many African parties, are they able to contribute positively to democracy? This article seeks to answer this question by using Ghana – one of Africa's most successful democracies – as a case study. It is found that parties in Ghana are comparatively strong and do indeed mobilise large numbers of voters. They even expose a degree of ideological competition and have successfully adapted their strategies to the local context. On the other hand, they expose serious weaknesses in the field of social integration and interest representation. Against this background it is argued that even in procedurally well-functioning democracies like Ghana, political parties can be instruments of elite competition that contribute to the exclusion of the poor from decision-making. 相似文献
162.
Grigorii V. Golosov 《后苏联事务》2013,29(5):397-419
This article uses data from the 1993–2011 national legislative elections in Russia in order to systematically measure and explain the dynamics of party system nationalization. The analysis registers a salient discrepancy between the extremely low levels of territorial homogeneity of the vote in the single-member plurality section of Russia's electoral system (1993–2003), on the one hand, and very high levels of party nationalization in party-list contests, on the other. This discrepancy, facilitated by such factors as the legacies of regime transition, federalism, and presidentialism, was reinforced by the integration of gubernatorial political machines into the nationwide political order, which ultimately resulted in unprecedentedly high levels of party nationalization in the 2007–2011 elections. The findings challenge a conventional theory that equates the formation of national electorates to the progressive process of party system consolidation, suggesting that under certain conditions, related but not reducible to the authoritarian perversion of the structure of electoral incentives, there is no such linear relationship. 相似文献
163.
Ruth Bottomley 《亚洲研究》2013,45(4):587-606
This article examines in detail the influence of the global on state-local relationships in the particular context of Ratanakiri Province, Northeast Cambodia. It is argued that modern state power in Cambodia is based on Western concepts of nation-building, including territorialization, assimilation, economic development, and the commercial exploitation of resources and has led to the incorporation of the remote forested areas of the periphery into the net of the state. Since the 1993 election, the plunder of the northeast has been justified in the name of “development.” The author shows that the response of forest-dependent highlanders to this state intervention cannot be understood as either simple opposition or acquiescence. Rather it has been a contradictory and fragmentary response, emerging from the conflicting desires for autonomy over land and forests and for the benefits to be gained from “development” and inclusion within the hypothesized “nation-state.” 相似文献
164.
When do voters switch from mainstream to niche parties and vice-versa? To understand these switches, we focus on the saturation of the party system. We theorize that when a party system is oversaturated – i.e. when a higher effective number of parties contests elections than predicted based on socio-political contextual characteristics (the system's ‘carrying capacity’) – it becomes increasingly likely that: (1) mainstream party voters defect to niche parties; and (2) niche party voters refrain from switching to mainstream parties. Based on vote-switching patterns in 15 countries and 53 elections, we find that oversaturation increases shifts from mainstream to niche parties. Further analyses show that this holds for shifts from mainstream to radical left and right parties, but not for shifts to green parties. This has important consequences for research on vote switching, the electoral consequences of policy differentiation and the competition between niche and mainstream parties. 相似文献
165.
异议是当事人权利救济的重要方式之一。目前,当事人异议存在覆盖面窄、裁决方式不统一、与其他救济方式协调不足等弊端,有必要对其功能和价值目标重新定位,按照权利拓展和救济加强、过程救济和结果救济并重的思路,重视与其他救济方式有机分流、功能耦合,同时扩大其适用空间、完善其操作程序,以达到制约诉讼进行过程中的法院职权行为、保障当事人诉讼权利的目的。 相似文献
166.
章尚锦 《北京政法职业学院学报》2004,(3):10-16
国际民事诉讼管辖权制度问题,是我国年复一年的热门话题.在司法改革和纷纷议论制定国际私法之际,一系列有关的问题引起了讨论.本文就涉外民商事案件集中管辖、过度管辖和不方便法院原则、“一国两制“和“一事不再理“原则、网络环境下的民事诉讼管辖权的确定、涉外仲裁的司法审查制度问题、关于建立我国新的国际民商事诉讼管辖权制度体系等问题,进行简要的综合论述,提供建议,献计献策,供参考. 相似文献
167.
同一个债权被数个担保措施保障,应当区分情况而定担保人相互间是否享有追偿权:在共同保证、共同抵押的场合可存在追偿权,在混合共同担保关系中,物上担保人之间、物上担保人与保证人相互间不应享有追偿权,除非当事人之间另有约定或法律另有规定。反对此说者,在解释论层面不合中国现行法及法理,在立法论层面不宜被采纳,因其未能证成担保人相互间存在着各项义务间具有内在联系的共同关系,利益衡量时未能全面而平等地照顾到担保人的全体,不当地限制了意思自治原则作用的发挥,未把债的相对性和自己责任等原则及规则纳入权衡因素,将目光局限于单一的交易关系,忽视了系列交易、一组交易中各个子交易之间环环相扣、处处衔接的特殊安排。其所谓公平理念及标准以及当事人预期,明显带有解释者的主观偏好,似不中立。至于将降低交易成本作为混合共同担保人相互间享有追偿权的根据,更是偏离了路径。 相似文献
168.
《Journal of Baltic studies》2012,43(2):215-233
This article investigates links between domestic and foreign policy, topics which are usually discussed rather than analyzed in any detail. The case of the USSR and Lithuania is taken as an historical example of the impact of the external factor on domestic policy, and an attempt is made to elucidate how the Soviets tried to influence and correct Lithuania's policy in the inter-war period by providing financial assistance to parties and their press. In this way they sought to set Lithuania against Poland and fuel the conflict between them, so that they would not become reconciled, would not create the so-called Baltic Union with Latvia, Estonia and Finland and would not orient themselves to the West. Using financial and other levers of secret policy, the Soviets contributed significantly to pushing the pro-Western Christian Democratic Party away from power in Lithuania so that the Nationalists, who sought to establish closer relations with the USSR, came to be established. The overseas financing of parties which remained unknown to the public distorted the political process of Lithuania and hindered the maturing of social awareness. 相似文献
169.
印尼是伊斯兰教徒最多的国家 ,伊斯兰问题在印尼向来是比较敏感的。新秩序之后 ,伊斯兰问题尤为突出 :内部派别矛盾加剧 ,各政党四分五裂 ;在外则与基督教之间的冲突和骚乱此起彼伏。印尼国家及民族的统一和团结正经受严峻的考验 ,印尼的伊斯兰面临艰难的抉择。 相似文献
170.
美国的司法政治是司法与政治交互作用的产物。随着司法权的扩张,联邦最高法院突破"政治问题不审查"之传统,主动或被动地介入政治争议;随着政党对峙的尖锐,政治力量乐于将棘手的政治争议交由司法裁断;藉此,司法政治演变为常态政治,司法判例成为经久不衰的政治争点。自上个世纪70年代以来,围绕罗伊案半个多世纪的争议,不仅客观地暴露了美国司法政治发展的内在逻辑,而且也充分地展示出司法政治在美国的作用方式和涵摄空间。 相似文献