中国民主党派与抗日战争胜利

中国人民抗日战争的胜利,是中华民族全民族抗战的胜利.抗日战争期间,中国共产党倡议建立了抗日民族统一战线.各民主党派高举爱国、民主旗帜,积极参加抗日民族统一战线,为争取抗日战争的胜利发挥了重要作用,作出了重要贡献.今天,各民主党派纪念抗日战争的胜利,就必须继承和发扬民主党派老一辈的优良传统,努力为建设中国特色社会主义伟大事业建功立业.     

“几个党好“的思想与中国政党制度的关系解析

"几个党好"是毛泽东对中国政党关系的集中表述,包含着十分丰富的内容,构筑了中国政党制度的理论框架.二者互为机理,相互促进,在政治、经济、文化意识形态上有显著的关联.但思想的二重性也能对制度造成不良影响,这为党在实际工作中提供更为有益的启示.     

Explaining Women's Rights Realignment: Convention Delegates, 1972–1992

Since the early 1970s, the major American parties have moved from general consensus on women's rights issues to sharp polarization. While previous efforts to explain this realignment have identified pieces of the puzzle, these explanations have been generally incomplete and atheoretical. I argue that party positions are determined by the perceived value of specific issue positions for maintaining and expanding the party's coalition of electoral support. Thus, changes in both the composition of the party's coalition and the way the issue is defined and understood can bring about changes in the issue positions adopted by parties. Using the Convention Delegate Studies (1972–1992), this research suggests that both replacement (coalition change) and in the case of Democrats, conversion (caused by issue change) have been important mechanisms for bringing about party realignment on women's rights. This explanation both encompasses causal factors highlighted by previous scholars and points to other important contributing causes.     

Past the saturation point: Why voters switch from mainstream to niche parties and vice-versa

When do voters switch from mainstream to niche parties and vice-versa? To understand these switches, we focus on the saturation of the party system. We theorize that when a party system is oversaturated – i.e. when a higher effective number of parties contests elections than predicted based on socio-political contextual characteristics (the system's ‘carrying capacity’) – it becomes increasingly likely that: (1) mainstream party voters defect to niche parties; and (2) niche party voters refrain from switching to mainstream parties. Based on vote-switching patterns in 15 countries and 53 elections, we find that oversaturation increases shifts from mainstream to niche parties. Further analyses show that this holds for shifts from mainstream to radical left and right parties, but not for shifts to green parties. This has important consequences for research on vote switching, the electoral consequences of policy differentiation and the competition between niche and mainstream parties.     

参政党要为发展社会主义民主政治服务

十六大把发展社会主义民主政治 ,建设社会主义政治文明 ,作为全面建设小康社会的重要目标 ,进一步明确了社会主义民主政治建设的战略地位、指导原则和前进方向。作为参政党在发展和完善社会主义民主制度的过程中 ,要坚持中国共产党的领导 ,充分发挥多党合作和政治协商制度的优势 ,发挥参政党在社会主义民主建设中的作用 ,为推进人民民主服务。     

论增强民主党派的参政党意识

发挥我国社会主义政党制度的特点和优势 ,必须注意增强民主党派的参政党意识 ,包括坚持中国共产党领导的意识、求同存异的意识、参政议政和民主监督的意识、大局意识和忧患意识等。目前民主党派的参政党意识较为薄弱 ,这既有历史的原因 ,也有现实的原因。为增强参政党意识 ,民主党派要加强自身建设 ,适时考虑制定自己的纲领 ,还要勇于和善于同执政党唱“对台戏”。     

论党际关系与政党开放

国家的开放是以政党的开放为基础和条件的,没有政党之间的开放就不会有国家的开放。我党在党际关系与开放理念上是与时俱进的,从仅与各国共产党、工人党和左翼政党交往逐步扩大到一切愿意遵循我党制定的党际关系四项原则的各国政党的交往。形成了一个以各国执政党、参政党和重要合法在野党为主要对象的全方位、多渠道、宽领域的党际交往的良好格局。从而进一步促进了我国的改革开放以及社会的全面进步。     

当事人诉讼成本与程序设计

当事人诉讼成本由诉讼费用、律师费、差旅费等构成,诉讼隐形程序、发回重审制度之缺陷、诉因不当选择将直接导致诉讼成本的增加。降低诉讼成本、提高诉讼效益的主要途径包括健全诉讼费用相关制度,确立公正的诉讼程序、保持司法独立等。     

Immigration and integration policy and the Austrian radical right in office: the FPÖ/BZÖ, 2000–2006

This article focuses on the radical right's influence on immigration and migrant integration policy by scrutinising the 6-year period in national government of the Austrian Freedom Party and Alliance for Austria's Future. Specifically, it investigates the radical right's influence on migration control, migrant integration, citizenship and asylum policy. While previous studies have often credited the Austrian radical right with policy influence, it is argued that such work ignores both the problematic adjustment of the radical right to public office and the insights of immigration policy theory. By integrating these criticisms into the analysis, it is argued that although immigration policy was restrictive, the policies pursued did not deviate too greatly from past and subsequent government policy nor with the policies being implemented elsewhere in Europe. Furthermore, the radical right's influence on immigration policy was limited by the role of intra-coalition dynamics and the moderating effect of the policy process.     

Political Donations in Australia: What the Australian Electoral Commission Disclosures Reveal and What They Don't

The transparent disclosure of political donations is an important anti‐corruption measure. However Australia's current disclosure system has been too poor to sustain rigorous empirical analysis by either journalists or researchers. The barriers to analysis lie in the data collected and in how it is disclosed to the public. This article seeks to give an overview of the transparency problems in the disclosures. It then outlines what limited insights can be gleaned about the political donations landscape. It finds that donations are dominated by the federal election cycle, transparently declared donations make up a small and declining proportion of parties’ incomes at 12–15%, and the amount of money going entirely undisclosed is more than 50% and growing. It also finds indications of paying for access and donor strikes being used to punish government that require further research.