The Impact of Partisan Gerrymandering on Political Parties

The relationship between votes and seats in the legislature lies at the heart of democratic governance. However, there has been little previous work on the downstream effects of partisan gerrymandering on the health of political parties. In this study, we conduct a comprehensive examination of the impact of partisan advantage in the districting process on an array of downstream outcomes. We find that districting bias impedes numerous party functions at both the congressional and state house levels. Candidates are less likely to contest districts when their party is disadvantaged by a districting plan. Candidates that do choose to run are more likely to have weak resumes. Donors are less willing to contribute money. And ordinary voters are less apt to support the targeted party. These results suggest that gerrymandering has long-term effects on the health of the democratic process beyond simply costing or gaining parties seats in the legislature.     

未成年人缔约能力制度刍议

未成年人缔约能力制度可以追溯到罗马法。当今各国均依罗马法模型建立了自己的未成年人缔约能力制度,但各有特点。本文通过对法国、德国以及英美等典型国家的未成年人缔约能力制度进行比较,并结合我国法律规定,提出完善我国该制度的建议。     

The construction of party membership

While the collapse of party membership in the last half‐century has consumed much of the focus of party scholarship, the notion of membership itself is surprisingly under‐theorised. This article presents a tripartite framework for understanding party membership as a constructed concept: from the perspective of the state, the individual and the political party. As organisational mediators and strategic electoral actors, political parties construct varying notions of membership in order to mobilise resources and gain legitimacy, while balancing the participatory demands of citizens with the legal and normative expectations imposed by the state. Using a number of illustrative examples from Europe and beyond, the article analyses the development of supporters' networks and the extension of participatory opportunities to non‐members. Designed in part to address this membership decline and to offer individuals a different way of engaging with political parties, these initiatives are seen as a crucial step in the evolution of modern parties towards looser, more individualised and amorphous networks of affiliation.     

Gender and the radical right in Western Europe: a comparative analysis of policy agendas

ABSTRACT

Systematic research comparing the views of populist radical-right parties with respect to gender issues is still scarce. Akkerman’s article aims to fill this gap by comparing the positions of the six most successful populist radical-right parties in Western Europe. Her focus is on gender issues in the policy domain of family relations, on the one hand, and in that of immigration and integration, on the other. A combination of quantitative and qualitative analyses of external and internal party documents has been used to assess the positions of the main populist radical-right parties with regard to these two policy domains. Akkerman's analysis shows that, in the domain of family relations, the parties are traditionally conservative or adopt a more flexible modern conservative position. Compared to mainstream right-wing parties, which are consistently more liberal than their radical-right counterparts, conservatism on issues relating to the family sets the radical parties clearly apart. Yet, as this particular profile tends to become less salient over time, it is doubtful that gender issues in this traditional policy domain will continue to be a defining characteristic of these parties. Gender issues have gained importance for populist radical-right parties in the domain of immigration and integration policies but, in this context, the parties do not display a conservative profile. They tend to emphasize the principles of gender equality and sometimes also gay rights, although these commitments are mainly rhetorical and instrumental to anti-immigration and anti-Islam agendas. Conservative views of gender remain the defining, albeit less salient, characteristic of these parties.     

福建参政党与海峡西岸经济区建设

福建省海西战略实施五年以来,各民主党派积极发挥参政党优势,为推进海峡西岸经济区建设参政议政、建言献策作出积极贡献。今年5月国务院通过了《关于支持福建省加快建设海峡西岸经济区的若干意见》,支持以福建为主体的海峡西岸经济区建设已成为国家的战略决策。文章对福建各民主党派如何把握新机遇,发挥参政党的职能优势,在新一轮海西建设中体现新作为略作分析探讨并提出相关对策思考。     

浅析帮助毁灭、伪造证据罪的缺陷与立法完善

帮助毁灭、伪造证据罪是1997年刑法修订时增加的罪名,在法律界定上存在一定的局限性。为加强对证据的刑法保护,从刑法条文对帮助毁灭、伪造证据罪的规定入手,探讨该罪立法上的缺陷,建议完善该罪的罪名和罪状;同时,基于刑法人性化的考量,亲属帮助毁灭、伪造证据不应构成犯罪。     

村民自治以来中国农村妇女参政的本土经验

对村民自治以来的农村妇女参政进行经验总结,以将其推广到更广大的范围,持续发挥支持妇女参政的作用,对推进社会主义新农村建设具有重要意义。赋予平等的参与权是农村妇女参政的前提;加强具体制度建设是农村妇女参政的重要保障;进行充分的组织动员是促进农村妇女参政的关键;加强教育培训是促进农村妇女参政可持续性的根本。     

浅析公安行政第三人

第三人作为公安行政法律关系中除行政管理主体和行政相对人外的第三方主体 ,学术界还没有给予应有的关注。从维护公民权利这一角度出发 ,为做好公安行政管理工作与行政复议、行政诉讼的衔接 ,应提出公安行政第三人的概念 ,它应有权利关系第三人、义务关系第三人、事实关系第三人三种类型。     

Latin American Democracy. What to Do with the Leaders?

The democratic deficit, or the gap between citizens' aspirations and their level of satisfaction, is increasing in Latin America. Such dissatisfaction helps to understand many of the region's presidential crises: since 1985, 23 Latin American presidents have left government abruptly. While civil society may have been able to provoke the fall of presidents, it has not managed to avoid the re‐emergence of deep‐rooted political practices under subsequent administrations. Extreme presidentialism, clientelism and populism have re‐emerged strengthened after deep political crises. This article offers some ideas regarding the impact that different types of political leaders can have on how well democracy works.