提单首要条款性质的研究

提单首要条款是规定有关承运人权利、义务、责任和免责适用某一国际公约的条款 ,它是当事人意思自治在法律选择上的体现。首要条款和提单法律适用条款都是当事人就提单运输适用法律所作的选择 ,前者是对国际公约的选择 ,后者是对某国法的选择。无论法院地国是否为缔约国对首要条款的效力都应尊重和承认     

论太平天国后期官制的新变化

太平天国的官制是太平天国社会结构的制度体现。太平天国后期官制的变化,一方面体现了太平天国后期贵族阶层扩大的趋势,另一方面是天京朝廷与地方诸侯权力斗争的反映。     

以十六大精神为指导正确认识党的阶级基础和群众基础

江泽民同志在十六大报告中关于增强党的阶级基础和扩大党的群众基础,不断提高党的社会影响力的重要论述,是我们党的建设的非常现实的重大理论与实践问题,是搞好党的建设的新的伟大工程,我们必须从多角度去拓展视野,才能深刻领会和正确的把握这一重要思想.     

论江泽民执政党建设思想

文章从立体的多维视角 ,对江泽民执政党建设思想进行系统研究 ,认为江泽民执政党建设思想已经形成相对独立的科学体系 ,可概括为由“一个目标、两项课题、三大优势、七重保证”四大要件构成的“1237体系”。     

Beyond the Running Tally: Partisan Bias in Political Perceptions

I examine the impact of long-term partisan loyalties on perceptions of specific political figures and events. In contrast to the notion of partisanship as a simple running tally of political assessments, I show that party identification is a pervasive dynamic force shaping citizens' perceptions of, and reactions to, the political world. My analysis employs panel data to isolate the impact of partisan bias in the context of a Bayesian model of opinion change; I also present more straightforward evidence of contrasts in Democrats' and Republicans' perceptions of objective politically relevant events. I conclude that partisan bias in political perceptions plays a crucial role in perpetuating and reinforcing sharp differences in opinion between Democrats and Republicans. This conclusion handsomely validates the emphasis placed by the authors of The American Voter on the role of enduring partisan commitments in shaping attitudes toward political objects.     

论"三个代表"的重要思想是对马克思主义工运理论的丰富与发展

"三个代表"重要思想从工人阶级的先进性与党的先进性的相互关系出发,深刻揭示了中国工人阶级作为发展社会生产力、创造社会先进文化、实现全国人民根本利益等方面的实践主体,所具有的主力军作用,为全面认识工人阶级的先进性质及其历史地位和作用提供了重要的方法论原则.是对马克思主义工运理论的丰富和发展,为新世纪我国工运理论建设和工会工作发展指明了方向.     

票据诈骗罪犯罪客体新论——从公私法区分的角度

已有观点对于票据诈骗罪犯罪客体的认识,囿于“纯刑法”或者“纯公法”的思维方式,认为其主要客体是票据管理秩序。然而,对于此问题应从整个法律体系(刑法与其他部门法或者公法与私法的关系)的角度,并结合刑法分则的体系结构进行整体把握。本罪的主要客体应该是“票据流通秩序”,而不是所谓的“票据管理秩序”,二者分别代表了“公”和“私”两种不同的法益。     

The Development of Stereotypes About the Rich and Poor: Age,Race, and Family Income Differences in Beliefs

African American and European American 4th, 6th, and 8th graders rated the competence of rich and poor children in academics (i.e., math, science, reading, writing, school grades, smartness), sports, and music. In contrast to middle school students, 4th graders favored the rich in all 3 domains. Youth of both races reported that the rich were more competent in academics than the poor; these beliefs were especially pronounced among Black youth. White, older, and more affluent students favored the poor in sports, whereas their counterparts either favored the rich or were egalitarian. No interactions were found between grade and race or grade and family income. The implications of these beliefs for policy and identity development theory are discussed. Doctoral student at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill. Research interests include the influence of race identity, race socialization, and stereotypes on the academic achievement of African American youth. Associate Professor at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill. Received Ph.D. in Psychology at the University of Notre Dame. Her research specialty is the development of children's achievement-related beliefs. Assistant Professor at the University of Michigan. Received Ph.D. from the University of Virginia. Research interests include predictors of academic self-views in children and adolescents.     

论周恩来"过五关"的党建思想

周恩来同志提出党的领导干部要过"五关",即思想关、政治关、社会关、亲属关、生活关,并以此作为加强党员党性修养的最基本要求,前两关属于思想、政治层面,以前虽经常强调,但在"五关"中又有其特定的涵义;后三关是在思想关和政治关的影响下,体现在工作和生活中具体的作风层面上.今天,我们重新认识"五关"论,对于共产党员尤其是党员领导干部加强自身党性修养,对于执政党加强自身建设,不断完善和提高执政水平具有十分重要的现实意义.     

The Preference Puzzle: Educational Differences in Racial-Political Attitudes

Education leads to racial liberalism in a great many instances. In this piece, I show that better educated whites are more racially liberal than less educated whites on issues involving minority preferences, with one notable exception. Better educated whites are significantly more opposed to affirmative action in university admissions than less educated whites. This is a puzzle, and my resolution of it is informed by group conflict theory and how university preferences evoke the group interests of better educated whites as they approach the issue. Additionally, I show that the group interests of less educated whites also are engaged by the issue. In the context of the survey I study, the class orientations of the less educated are roused, and, I argue, lower status individuals are encouraged to view university preferences as an opportunity to share the burden of affirmative action, contributing to the puzzling reversal in the relationship of education and racial-political attitudes.