Prediction of Police Officer Performance Among New Mexico State Police as Assessed by the Personality Assessment Inventory

Little research has been conducted regarding the use of the Personality Assessment Inventory (PAI) in law enforcement screening and selection. The limited body of research that does exist appears to support its utility in the selection process. The purpose of the present study was to investigate the validity and reliability of the Psychological Rating Risk Factor Statement (PRRFS) developed by Roberts, Thompson, and Johnson (2004) in predicting and discriminating problem from non-problem New Mexico State Police (NMSP) applicants. PAI profiles for each officer were obtained and transferred into the PAI Law Enforcement, Corrections, and Public Safety Selection software program, which generated probability estimates (PRRFS) to predict the likelihood that participants were not well-suited for a career in law enforcement. Subsequent logistic regression and receiver operating characteristic (ROC) statistical analyses revealed that the PRRFS was ineffective in predicting and discriminating between problem and non-problem officers. Potential explanations for this finding are discussed.     

MPs’ principals and the substantive representation of disadvantaged immigrant groups

This article provides an alternative understanding of the substantive representation of immigrant-origin citizens compared to previous work in the ‘politics of presence’ tradition. Rather than assuming that the representational activities of members of parliaments (MPs) are underpinned by intrinsic motivations, it highlights extrinsic motives. Drawing on principal–agent theory, the article conceptualises MPs as delegates who are to act on behalf of their main principals, constituents and party bodies. This approach permits the rigorous analysis of the impact of electoral rules, candidate selection methods and legislative organisation on substantive representation. Based on an analysis of more than 20,000 written parliamentary questions tabled in the 17th German Bundestag (2009–2013), empirical findings suggest that electoral rules do not influence the relationship between MPs and their principals in relation to the substantive representation of disadvantaged immigrant groups; however, results indicate that candidate selection methods as well as powerful parliamentary party group leaderships do.     

Commitment or expertise? Technocratic appointments as political responses to economic crises

Why do prime ministers or presidents appoint non-elected experts, also known as technocrats, during economic crises? Do they appoint them for their expertise or for their commitment to pro-market reforms? Answering this question is crucial for understanding and predicting the longer-term role of technocrats in democracies. With the aid of unique data on the political and personal background of finance ministers in 13 parliamentary and semi-presidential European democracies this article shows that commitment, not expertise is the primary driver of technocratic appointments during major economic crises. Technocrats are preferred over experienced politicians when the latter lack commitment to policy reform. An important implication of the findings is that technocratic appointments to top economic portfolios in West European countries are unlikely to become the norm outside economic crises, assuming economic crises are short-lived and not recurring.     

我国有组织犯罪企业化的路径及其表现分析

分析有组织犯罪企业化的过程和发展阶段,可以归纳出我国有组织犯罪企业化的两种基本路径,即有组织犯罪的企业化和企业的有组织犯罪化。有组织犯罪的企业化主要经历了暴力敛财积累原始资本、垄断非法行业形成稳定收入、设立企业向合法经济领域渗透和依托企业形成区域或行业垄断四个发展阶段。企业的有组织犯罪化主要有外在结合型和内生发展型两种类型,也要经历逐渐演变的渐变过程,即企业触黑化阶段、企业涉黑化阶段和企业纯黑化阶段。而在实现了企业化发展之后,有组织犯罪在组织管理、行为方式以及文化认同等方面皆呈现出明显的企业化特征:改变了对暴力手段的过分依赖,借鉴现代企业制度建立了分工明确、协调配合的组织结构,并根据需要设置了相应的职位、部门,呈现出企业化的组织管理模式;在运营机制、经营管理等方面表面与一般企业、公司无异,体现出明显的企业化特征和运作模式;以传统帮会文化和暴力文化为内在本质,以企业文化为外在表现,实现了帮会文化与企业文化相结合。     

人肉搜索的入罪化思索

网络技术的迅猛发展和广泛普及，给人们的生活带来日新月异的变化。人肉搜索是网络时代发展的产物。人肉搜索具有什么样的法律性质，是否具有刑法规制的必要性和可行性，需要加以思索并提出合理应对的措施。文章着重于人肉搜索入罪化的价值选择和路径分析，以期在理论上对应人肉搜索问题有所裨益。     

以更宏阔的视野选人用人

以更宏阔的视野选人用人，拓宽选人用人渠道，促进优秀人才脱颖而出是执政党的重大战略任务。必须坚持以理念创新为先导，坚持党管干部、党管人才原则和选人用人标准，妥善解决存在的瓶颈问题，不断创新选人用人机制，营造优秀人才健康成长的环境。     

立法主导是税制改革的优选路径

长期以来,我国税制改革因循着行政主导的试点模式。从法治视角看,试点模式处于合法性缺失状态,存在内在弊端。与之相对应的是立法主导模式,坚持立法主导,对于提高税收立法水平、落实税收法定主义、全面推进各项改革具有重要意义,也是巩固政权合法性的客观需要。在未来的税制改革进程中,应当坚持立法主导的路径选择,自觉运用法治思维来解决改革难题。     

对建成小康社会背景下普通劳动者收入分配的经济学思考

坚持社会主义基本经济制度和分配制度,就要调整国民收入分配格局,加大再分配调节力度,坚持走共同富裕道路.经济学原理告诉我们,劳动、资本、技术、管理在参与分配的过程中同等重要,不能只强调资本、技术和管理而忽视劳动.完善社会主义分配制度,最重要的一点就是实现按劳分配和按生产要素分配的有机结合:一是要明确界定生产要素的产权关系;二是建立健全统一、开放、竞争、有序的社会主义市场体系;三是积极寻求按劳分配与按生产要素分配能够有效结合的微观基础;四是加强收入分配的政策法律调节.     

新生代农民工政治参与的困境及其路径分析

政治参与是现代民主政治的核心问题,是政治现代化的重要标志.现阶段的新生代农民工政治参与面临着制度安排和参与渠道缺失、参与主体素质等宏观与微观方面的诸多现实困境.因此,需要从完善制度安排和参与渠道建设、提高经济收入、提升参与主体素质等方面来提高新生代农民工的政治参与意识和政治效能感,以实现新生代农民工有序有效的政治参与.     

解决朝鲜半岛问题的方法、视角及路径选择

解决朝鲜半岛问题需要思路的调整,即要从仍然在相当范围内起作用的冷战思维的误区中解脱出来。从我国的角度,需建立分析朝鲜半岛问题与我国的利害关系的理论坐标,这就是我国的东北亚区域战略目标。只有把朝鲜半岛问题置入到我国东北亚区域战略的框架之中,我们才有可能正确理解它对我国的影响程度,进而为解决朝鲜半岛问题提供路径选择的依据。