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151.
改革观是中国特色社会主义理论体系的重要组成部分,是随着社会主义建设和发展的实践不断深化的。新时期以来,党中央领导核心在改革观上不断向前发展。深入地研究和学习这一发展演进,对于当今中国特色社会主义建设具有重要启示和借鉴作用。 相似文献
152.
枷号刑是独立于五刑之外的附加刑,其由刑具发展演变成法定刑经历了漫长的过程。而从明代的律外酷刑到成为清代的著为常法,这一历史流变过程值得重点关注。从微观角度对明清时期枷号刑的适用范围、刑期长短、刑罚轻重变化做了比较分析,并试图从宏观角度从当时的政治背景和司法环境中寻求原因。 相似文献
153.
尽管平安广东创建和“三打两建”工作已取得实效,当前的“三打”、“两建”和平安广东创建工作中仍然存在着许多的困难和问题。因此,将“三打”行动长效机制建设和创建平安广东行动相结合,既具有必要性,亦具有可行性。二者的结合,是广东维护社会稳定、促进经济协调发展的重要手段,是创建平安广东的有效途径,是维稳理念具体到平安广东社会建设中的创新发展。 相似文献
154.
Kin selection, an aspect of evolutionary theory, argues that, all else equal, individuals should give preferential treatment to relatives, based on the degree of relatedness [Hamilton, W. D. (1964). The genetical evolution of social behaviour I, II. Journal of Theoretical Biology, 7, 1–52.]. However, one may observe instances where competition for scarce or unique resources is stronger between family members than between unrelated individuals. Such a situation existed between 1377 and 1603 with intense competition for the throne of England among descendents of Edward III. During this period, monarchs were executed by relatives to gain or maintain the throne for him or herself or descendents. Despite the widespread destruction of kindred, we show that executioners never sacrificed lineal relatives nor executed collateral relatives in excess of their own legitimate nuclear relatedness, and the number of executed relatives was positively correlated to the age and legitimate reproductive success of the executioner. Moreover, when resources are scarce, have an intrinsically high value, and are inherited, it may be in your Darwinian reproductive interest not to maximize but to minimize the number of legitimate children in order to reduce competition among family members. 相似文献
155.
当前,两岸关系和平发展已实现由开创期转人巩固深化期的阶段性跨越,两岸在经济、社会、文化、民间交流等领域的合作规模与深度不断提升,但在政治领域,双方关系仍处于低层次的增进了解、累积互信阶段。为让两岸政治关系发展满足两岸形势变化的需要,本文拟在探索当前两岸关系阶段性特征的基础上,寻求解决两岸政治难题的着力点。 相似文献
156.
2008年5月以来,两岸双方在反对“台独”、坚持“九二共识”的政治基础上,开创了和平发展的新局面。两岸政治关系有所改善,经济关系突飞猛进,然而两岸政治关系的相对滞后已明显妨碍到两岸经济关系的进一步深化。在两岸关系步人“深水区”之后,两岸双方应积极采取有效措施,维护巩固“一中框架”,加强法律制度建设,开启政治对话进程,深化媒体交流合作,努力推进两岸政治关系与经济关系的良性互动,为巩固与深化两岸关系和平发展提供有力保障。 相似文献
157.
本文试图从宏观的角度对两岸和平协议的性质作出分析。两岸和平协议本质上是国内两个政治实体之间的协议,而不是国与国之间的条约。两岸和平协议不是两岸统一协议,但不能排除两岸统一的政治指向。两岸和平协议是在国家尚未统一的特殊情况下的政治安排。两岸和平协议是两岸关系和平发展的框架协议,是两岸关系和平发展的制度化。 相似文献
158.
《Critical Horizons》2013,14(2):283-300
AbstractPaleoanthropologists have long worked with the assumption that bipedism and brain enlargement evolved together in a cycle of cause and effect powered by the production of tools and instrumental manipulation. Rather, this paper argues, following the work of Paul Shepard, that discernments, or specific kinds of mentalities, arise from the relations that mammals and hominids form with their environments, other species and within their own social groupings. 相似文献
159.
B. Lucarelli 《当代亚洲杂志》2013,43(4):500-516
In view of China's economic growth and rising international status, Latin American and Caribbean countries will accord increasing priority to their relations with the Asian giant. China's permanent seat in the United Nations Security Council is also a factor to reckon with. Today, Brazil, Argentina, Venezuela and Mexico have established strategic partnerships with China. While the vast distance between China and Latin America generates difficulties in transportation and mutual understanding, it also means that both parties have no serious conflicts of strategic and political interests. Their Third World orientations in diplomacy contribute to a 95% concurrence in their votes in the United Nations. While the Chinese leadership seeks to promote multipolarity to curb US unilateralism, it appreciates its limitations in Latin America. In addition, China and the Latin American and Caribbean countries value good relations with the US. In the foreseeable future, China will increase its investment in Latin America and more Sino-Latin American business joint ventures will be formed. These trends may well reduce trade frictions associated with China's economic expansion. 相似文献
160.
Nkosazana Dlamini‐Zuma 《South African Journal of International Affairs》2013,20(2):187-195
This article examines the evolution of the responsibility to protect (R2P) norm through the institutional frameworks of the African Union and the United Nations. The investigation aligns itself with recent constructivist thinking around norm evolution and contestation which holds that diverging interpretations around norms facilitate not only norm contestation, but ultimately norm acceptance. In this case different ‘meanings-in-use’ of R2P within and across both organisations reinforce the contested nature of R2P. This becomes most apparent in the prevailing confusion around the affiliated concept of the protection of civilians, which is not effectively delineated from R2P. Nevertheless R2P is found to be widely acknowledged within both organisations. 相似文献