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181.
Alexander Dunlap 《Capitalism Nature Socialism》2013,24(4):88-108
ABSTRACTOn November 2014, the first Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC) consultation was called for the Eólica del Sur wind project in Juchitán de Zaragoza, Mexico. Lasting eight months, the consultation was responding not only to the UN International Labor Organization’s (ILO) convention 169 that Mexico signed in 1990 but also to widespread uprisings against wind energy projects in the region. This article begins with an FPIC literature review, followed by sections examining the consultation in Juchitán, its spatial layout, the actors involved and its repressive atmosphere. The subsequent section analyzes the discursive techniques deployed by the FPIC technical committee (TC) which—despite unanswered questions and popular opposition to the wind energy project—granted project approval on 30 June 2015. The final section concludes that the FPIC consultation undermines Indigenous autonomy and serves as a counter-insurrectionary device, reinforcing a context of substantial political and economic asymmetry between state, corporate and elite interest and Indigenous fishermen and farmers. The FPIC consultation in Juchitán reinforced state power and simultaneously serves as a marketing platform for development projects, thereby creating an illusion of real dialogue, negotiation and, by extension, democratic decision making. Despite efforts to have the wind project approved, resistance groups’ temporarily halted construction. 相似文献
182.
183.
开明士绅(绅士)这一历史群体,在抗日战争时期,是中共领导的各抗日根据地"三三制"民主政权中属于中间势力的一部分.在抗战初期及中期,中共为团结开明士绅共同抗日,做了大量的卓有成效的工作.但在抗战后期,中共的开明士绅工作出现了较明显的弱化倾向.本文以中共华北抗日根据地的开明士绅工作为例,分析了这一弱化倾向的表现及其原因. 相似文献
184.
李禄俊 《四川行政学院学报》2003,(4):29-32
抗日战争时期毛泽东的民主思想,相对于毛泽东一生的各个时期而言,具有高度重视民主制度与文化的双重建设;高度重视民主进程与民主理想的相互规定和实现;具有高度的现代意识等理论特点,其思想的深邃和宽广,为我们今天的社会主义民主政治建设提供了有益的借鉴。 相似文献
185.
张志祥 《山西警官高等专科学校学报》2003,11(2):63-65
恐怖主义活动称得上是当今世界最严重的社会问题之一.综观以色列的历史,它自称是恐怖主义的受害者,实际上它也是一个恐怖主义的大国.但与其他的恐怖主义不同,它更多的是国家军事战略基础之上的"恐怖主义".以色列边防卫队就是在这样的战略方针下执行边境防暴平乱任务的,其危险性之大也就可想而知. 相似文献
186.
Elisabeth Olivius 《亚洲研究》2017,49(3):289-307
Refugee camps are frequently perceived as spaces of emergency and exception. However, they are also spaces where millions of people live their everyday lives, sometimes for extended periods of time. As such, refugee camps are political spaces where struggles over the right to influence life in the camps and shape how they are governed are continuously ongoing. In this context, what are the opportunities for political participation for refugees living in camps? How and to what extent are refugees able to carve out political space where they can engage with and affect their lives and their situations? This paper addresses these questions through an analysis of refugee camps in Thailand. Drawing on Foucauldian analytics, the analysis demonstrates how key strategies employed to govern refugees, namely spatial confinement and development interventions are also creatively subverted by refugees and appropriated as bases for resistance and political mobilization. The article provides new insights into the relationship between power and resistance, demonstrating how specific technologies of governance create opportunities for subversion, reinterpretation, and appropriation. 相似文献
187.
佟建寅 《中国劳动关系学院学报》2005,19(4):105-111
1895年,清政府与日本国政府签订《马关条约》,台湾从此沦为日本殖民地长达50年之久。对日本殖民者的残酷统治压迫,台湾人民进行了长期英勇的斗争,给日本殖民者以沉重打击。台湾人民反抗日本殖民者的斗争,是中华民族抵抗日本帝国主义侵略的重要组成部分,是中国近代史上波澜壮阔的群众爱国救亡运动的光辉篇章。 相似文献
188.
AbstractThe online buzz leading up to the 2015 Singapore general election (GE2015) favoured opposition parties and personalities, encouraging perceptions that the opposition would garner more votes than in 2011. Instead, the ruling People’s Action Party won and saw an increase in their vote share from 60.1% in 2011 to 69.9%. What role, then, did social media play in this election? This study shows that, against prevailing assumptions, GE2015 was not a social media election. Through an online survey of 2,000 respondents conducted after polling day, it was found that mainstream media and their online counterparts were used most frequently and were trusted more as sources of information about the election. Online and offline political participation was also low. However, social media users were more interested in election issues, were more likely to discuss politics with others and participated more in offline political activities than non-users. 相似文献
189.
Tu Phuong Nguyen 《当代亚洲杂志》2016,46(2):345-358
This article reviews three recent books on labour politics in Vietnam and China: Angie Tran’s Ties That Bind: Cultural Identity, Class and Law in Vietnam’s Labor Resistance; Jeffrey Becker’s Social Ties, Resources and Migrant Labor Contention in Contemporary China: From Peasants to Protesters, and Eli Friedman’s Insurgency Trap: Labor Politics in Post-Socialist China. These three books capture the changing patterns of labour unrest and labour institutions in Vietnam and China, which are accounted for by the social foundation of resistance as well as the political economy of capitalist development. Their main contribution to the existing literature is that they draw out the new dynamics and new venues within the state that can both enable and constrain labour resistance and struggle in these countries. However, this article also argues that these works have not adequately theorised the nature of change within the state and the role of the law in labour resistance. It therefore suggests that bringing in the law to socio-political institutions is essential to a research agenda that explores continuity and change in labour politics in Vietnam and China as transitional economies. 相似文献
190.
ROBERT AGNEW 《犯罪学》2016,54(2):181-211
The “causes of crime” research has up to this point focused on those events and conditions that push or pressure individuals into crime (strains), that pull or attract individuals to crime (social learning for crime), and that restrain individuals from responding to pressures and attractions with crime (controls). Work in several areas, however, has suggested that the response to the pressures for and attractions to crime is not simply a function of controls. It is also a function of the individual's resistance or susceptibility to the events and conditions described by strain and social learning theories. Those high in resistance are less likely to experience these criminogenic events and conditions as pressures for or attractions to crime, whereas those high in susceptibility are more likely. Resistance and susceptibility are a function of factors that influence the perception and interpretation of criminogenic events and conditions, the emotional reaction to them, and the behavioral inclinations prompted by them. These factors include negativity, pleasure and sensation seeking, conventional efficacy and perceived social support, and general sensitivity to the environment. With certain notable exceptions, these factors have been neglected in mainstream crime research, but they have the potential to improve the explanation and prediction of crime substantially. 相似文献