我国地方政府机构改革的阻力、难题与对策

当前,新一轮的地方政府机构改革正在推进,对其进行及时的理论研究就显得十分迫切和必要。本文在探讨我国地方政府机构改革的阻力与难题时,力求探索一些积极稳妥推进我国地方政府机构改革的对策。     

在对抗与合作中寻求衡平——刑事证据开示制度运行机理的法经济学视角的思考

对抗制的运行机理是诉讼双方在平等的基础上进行诉讼进攻和诉讼防御，以求得发现案件真实。然而,该制度在运行过程中，当事人在胜诉欲望的驱使下，不惜花费较大成本收集足够多的证据及其相关信息的同时，还进行信息封锁，在庭审时利用自身的信息优势和辩论技巧击败对方，实质上演变为一场司法竞技比赛，严重偏离了实质正义价值要求。作为弥补对抗制的不足而诞生的证据开示制度在合作的基础上追求实质正义，减少了诉讼成本，节约了司法资源，实现了双方的共赢。证据开示制度在运行过程中又出现新一轮的对抗，为了消除对抗带来的弊端需要进一步完善相关的配套制度。     

被体制否定的女人——评苏珊·俄利希的《再现强奸:语言与性同意》

苏珊·俄利希的《再现强奸》一书研究熟人强奸案件审判过程中的语言实践。作者认为整个审判过程都受着最大抗拒这个潜在标准的引导。这种支配案件审理的意识形态指导着强奸案件审理中的语言实践,试图将被害人的一些反抗性策略解释为同意性的性行为。这种主导性意识形态在具体的关于性暴力的庭审语言实践中渗透、流通。通过分析案件审理过程中各方的语言可以看到,女性被强制性的体制建构为缺乏、无效的主体,强奸迷思仍然深刻镶嵌在庭审各环节的逻辑预设中,是庭审各方依赖的意识形态解释框架。     

我国政府改革的特性分析

与西方发达国家的政府改革相比,我国政府改革有其特殊性。从历史背景看,我国长期封建专制政府的行政文化影响深远;从社会背景看,政府改革的直接对象是计划经济基础上的全能政府;从政治体制看,政府改革应处理好特定的党政关系问题;从内部矛盾看,政府既是改革最强大的推动力,又是改革最难于克服的阻力。认清这些特性,从我国具体的国情出发,采取符合实际的改革措施,才能推进改革深入发展。     

新藤黄酸对人乳腺癌耐药细胞体外作用的研究

目的 观察新藤黄酸(gambogenic acid,GNA)对人乳腺癌耐药细胞MCF-7/ADR的作用。〖JP〗方法 采用MTT法观察GNA、阿霉素(adriamycin,ADR)及两者联用对MCF-7/ADR细胞增殖的抑制作用,采用流式细胞仪观察MCF-7/ADR细胞内ADR浓度。结果 GNA能剂量依赖地抑制MCF-7/ADR细胞的生长,作用48 h时,GNA对MCF-7/ADR细胞的IC50为12.88 μmol/L;4 μmol/L GNA可增加MCF-7/ADR细胞对ADR的敏感性,使ADR对MCF-7/ADR细胞的IC50 由80.22 μmol/L降至12.54 μmol/L;GNA显著增强MCF-7/ADR细胞内ADR的积累,呈剂量依赖关系。结论 低剂量GNA能显著增加MCF-7/ADR细胞对ADR的敏感性。     

The Queer Jew: Gender,Sexuality and Jean-Paul Sartre's Anti-Antisemitism

In an attempt to understand the mechanisms that enable the perpetuation of racism, Judaken examines how antisemitic stereotypes can be reiterated in the discourse of those individuals most committed to the eradication of antisemitism. He argues that typologies - mythic images of collective identity - depend upon an associative logic. These associations are engendered in the construction of the Self (both individual and collective), by demarcating it-self from the Other(s), generally through tropes of gender, pathology and race. Judaken focuses on Jean-Paul Sartre's Anti-Semite and Jew,a text which Sartre called 'a declaration of war against antisemitic motifs', and argues that this unintended effect is the result of how Sartre conceptualizes both consciousness and the relation between the Self and Other in Being and Nothingness. This work of existential phenomenology, that sought radically to critique the western metaphysical tradition, nevertheless reinscribes dominant assumptions within western culture about gender and sexuality. Judaken shows how Sartre's re-citation of these assumptions fundamentally determines how he conceives of the relation between the antisemite and 'the Jew'. He concludes, however, by suggesting that imminent to Sartre's own position, there is an-other way of conceiving of the relation between Self and Other that might offer hope beyond the impasses of the western tradition's failures in embracing difference, singularity and particularity.     

Baring it all for Activism: The 1985 Naked Protest in Mexico

This article analyses the 1985 naked protest carried out by silver miners of Pachuca, Mexico. This singular form of resistance, the first in Mexican labour history and organised by a dissident group within the miners' union called Liberación Minera (Miners Liberation), forced management to recognise and temporarily solve some of the miners' grievances. The naked protest unveiled the shady practices of the miners' employer, the state-owned Compañía Real del Monte y Pachuca, which refused to provide work clothes and safety equipment to miners. It also pointed to the miners' union leadership's complicity in the deterioration of labour conditions. Part of the miners' naked protest success had to do with the support that they gained from members of the left-wing press who used the protest to offer an early critique of Mexico's neoliberal policies. The 1985 naked protest occurred during one of Mexico's most severe economic crises and only four years before the company became privatised. This protest is one of the last examples of organised labour resistance before industries closed down and fired thousands of workers.     

Resistance to Chronic Violence in Informal Workplaces: The Strategies of Domestic Workers in Brazil (2003–2018)

This article analyses the repertoire of individual strategies utilised by domestic workers to resist routinised workplace violence in the cities of São Paulo and Ilhéus, Brazil. Findings suggest that domestic workers favour two strategies of resistance: exit (quitting work without prior notice) and voice (negotiating workplace conditions). The latter strategy is divided into two subtypes: voice-pleading (appealing to decency) and voice-confrontation (warning and rights-claiming). Voice strategies appear more effective than exit in ameliorating patterns of chronic workplace violence, particularly when they incorporate labour rights claims and when emotional ties exist between workers and employers.     

Caste in Stone? Exploring Caste and Class Dimensions of Conservation Displacement in Central India

ABSTRACT

This article explores the caste and class dimensions of the local resource politics of conservation displacement. Through long-term study of a conservation displacement site in central India, it interrogates how alliances and rivalries contoured along historical class-caste contestations result in differential patterns of recovery from “green grabbing” and exclusionary conservation. It is argued that contestations within and between subaltern social groups, traditional dominant castes and newly upwardly mobile peasant castes are geared towards cornering resource flows associated with the local welfare/developmental state. Given severely limited avenues of gainful employment for the rural poor in the neo-liberal era, access to the local gatekeeping economy shapes trajectories of accumulation and decline in the context of India’s new land wars.     

The cost of belonging: exploring class and citizenship in Soweto's water war

More than a decade since the dawn of democracy, South Africa remains one of the most unequal societies in the world. Civil and political citizenship may have – rhetorically at least – reduced the stark racial inequality in the relationship between citizen and state evident under apartheid. Some authors suggest a positive correlation between social citizenship and social equality. However, in post-apartheid South Africa, deep socio-economic inequalities continue to mar the democratic content of society. Although rights to welfare and social services are nominally in place and are enshrined in the constitution, scores of poor, black South Africans are unable to claim social citizenship, precisely as a result of their class position. Using, as a lens, community struggles in Soweto against the commodification of water, this article seeks to explore the relationship between citizenship and class. It does this by addressing the relationship between the state and its citizens within the context of service delivery, paying particular attention to the impact of prepaid water meters and to the strategies that were employed by community movements in Soweto's ‘water war’. The key argument is that under the system of capitalism, class inequality will persist regardless of the extent of citizenship.