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161.
Oto Luthar 《Nationalities Papers》2013,41(6):882-892
After the fall of socialism, besides the attempts to reach national reconciliation, radical reconfigurations and reinterpretations of the past were used to negotiate local, national and transnational identities and strengthen national agendas. In most of the formerly socialist countries, the historical interpretation significantly resembles the struggle over the legitimacy and authenticity of this representation. The author argues that in post-socialist Slovenia instead of the anticipated democratization and break with ideologically predestined historical work after 1989, at least three competing politically contaminated ways of interpreting the past gained momentum: the so-called liberal-conformist position, which insists that we have to look at the future and forget the traumas of the past; the revisionist standpoint which, at least in Slovenia, is the most aggressive one; and the objectivistic approach practiced by most Slovenian historians after 1991. To do that the author investigates how collective memories are mobilized in general, formal and in particular more personalized and/or emotional narratives and traces the changes in Slovenian memorial landscape divided into categories: the authoritarian type, defined by a desire for direct colonization of the interpretation of the past related to the Second World War; the conciliatory type that tries to achieve “reconciliation”; the conflicting type that clashes with the iconography of an existing partisan monument as an alternative interpretation. 相似文献
162.
《Critical Studies on Terrorism》2013,6(2):284-305
This article investigates the historical evolution, values and Islamic reference points of Hamas. A product of fieldwork in the Middle East in 2009–2010, it allows Palestinian Islamists and their supporters to explain their views on Islam, whilst analysing the implications of these in regards to Hamas’ wider programme of resistance. Interviews and surveys, as well as Hamas’ ongoing use of Islamic terminology and the Islamisation of the Gaza Strip, reveal that religion remains intertwined with the movement’s political and social activities. Secular analyses clearly demarcating political and religious spheres in such cases are inadequate. The interpretation of Islamic values is not immutable, however, but rather part of a dynamic process subject to evolution and change. 相似文献
163.
This article aims to analyse the contribution made by Christian movements towards constructing a democratic citizenship in an authoritarian context in the backward province of Albacete. Our study attempts to analyse the efforts made by grassroots Catholic sectors to foster democratic enclaves free from the interference of the Francoist state in 1960s and 1970s Spain. These alternative social spaces enabled new habits of civil resistance that confronted the socio-cultural hegemony of authoritarian values. As a result, throughout these years, various social groups started to challenge the sense of the regime's impregnable unity. This grassroots experience with the “power of the powerless” laid the foundations for negotiations among the political elites during the transition to democracy in Spain. 相似文献
164.
Lisa Groß 《Contemporary Politics》2016,22(2):125-143
This paper challenges the common explanations that failures of external state-building and democracy promotion are the result of a lack of domestic capacity or a lack of domestic willingness against an externally set liberal agenda of state-building and democratisation. Studying political decision-making on a micro-level, we argue that both explanations fail to capture the multi-faceted motivations and interests of domestic actors that go beyond mere ‘resistance’ against externally induced liberal reforms. Rather, criticism of reforms might be rooted in ideas of social justice and claims to socio-economic security. Furthermore, these explanations tend to overlook the need for domestic elites to bargain with various domestic stakeholders. A case study of Croatian public administration reform illustrates that failure of externally promoted reforms remain an option when significant international resources are available for liberal state-building and the target of reform is a relatively mature bureaucracy. 相似文献
165.
通过对钱明奇事件和胡文海事件的考察,我们发现:为了利益博弈,矛盾双方以表达与打压为基本手段展开对立性互动,在强势方持续打压与表达方顽强坚执的拉锯战中,伴随敌意累积、强化和扩散并最终导致以刑事犯罪为手段释放敌意。从正常的利益抗争演进到非现实性冲突性质的刑事社会抗拒,打压为其提供了原动力,打压所输入的风险能量与合法性状态、相对剥夺感的强弱、改变被剥夺境遇的可能性和边缘化人格等因素交互影响、彼此“型塑”共同铺设了社会抗拒的刑:事路径。 相似文献
166.
中国船舶抵押权登记对抗效力问题除应适用《中华人民共和国海商法》外,还应当在《中华人民共和国海商法》没有特别规定的情况下适用《中华人民共和国物权法》《中华人民共和国担保法》《中华人民共和国民法通则》及其司法解释中关于动产抵押权的相关规定。对《中华人民共和国物权法》《中华人民共和国担保法》及司法解释中关于抵押权和抵押登记的规定适用于船舶抵押权时存在的问题加以探讨,并提出如何在《中华人民共和国海商法》进行修订或制定相关司法解释时对船舶抵押权与其他物权冲突时何种权利优先等问题加以规定和完善的相关立法建议。 相似文献
167.
168.
常虹 《陕西行政学院学报》2003,17(3)
行政行为无效理论是行政行为理论中的一个重要问题。它是一个具有特定内涵的范畴,其存在的理论依据是行政行为公定力的有限性,并以公民权利抵制行政权力为它的价值背景。可以通过对行政行为无效的界定、其法理基础及其价值目标的探讨,来说明行政行为无效理论在行政法中的重要地位。 相似文献
169.
Michelle Fine 《Social Justice Research》2006,19(1):83-108
This paper forecasts a “fictional” methods textbook for researchers interested in studying social oppression and resistance. The volume moves between historic and contemporary writings on methods, with particular interest in questions of objectivity and subjectivity, history and psychology, relations among units of analysis, expert and construct validity, and the ever-thorny ambition of generalizability. Crafted with inspiration from Kurt Lewin, Carolyn Payton, Ignacio Martín-Baró, and many contemporary critical writers, the book is designed to provoke conversations about social research, asking—For what? With whom? and If not now, when? The essay is written to incite a re-membering, and re-thinking, of critical methods for the social psychological study of oppression and resistance. 相似文献
170.
《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(4):371-382
After the Soviet invasion of eastern Poland in September 1939, a network of Jewish underground organizations and active conspiratorial groups was established. Its objective was to resist the violent imposition of the Soviet system, to preserve Jewish culture and religion and, for those with a Zionist orientation, to work for the establishment of a Jewish homeland. The Zionist parties and organizations among them were particularly active, especially the youth groups. The fate of the Jewish population of Eastern Europe under the Soviet occupation of 1939–41 remains understandingly overshadowed by the tragic events of the Holocaust. As a result, the activities of this Jewish underground are not widely known and have received little attention from scholars. Only in recent years have historians researching the history of Jews in eastern Poland begun to look more closely at Jewish resistance and especially at Zionist activity under Soviet occupation. These scholars have, however, relied exclusively on the eyewitness accounts of the few survivors. At the same time, Polish and Russian historians conducting intensive research on the war-time Soviet occupation of eastern Poland have published contemporary Soviet documents that confirm the existence of this Jewish underground. The material currently available shows that the Jewish underground was more widespread than previously thought, and that the Soviet authorities viewed Jewish resistance groups, and indeed any clandestine activity, as a serious threat to their rule. 相似文献