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181.
The corroding impacts of anti-terrorism measures on citizenship have been much discussed in recent years. Drawing on qualitative research from the UK, this article argues that citizens do indeed frequently feel that aspects of citizenship – such as rights, duties, identity claims and the ability to participate in the public sphere – have been significantly dampened by developments in this policy area. At the same time, however, participants in our research also articulated a number of strategies through which they or others have sought to resist the logics, exercise and impacts of anti-terrorism powers. These included voicing explicit opposition to particular measures, resisting ‘outsider’ or ‘victim’ subject positions, and a refusal to withdraw from established forms of political engagement. Whilst such resistance should not be overstated, we argue that these strategies emphasise the co-constitutive rather than linear relationship between public policy and citizenship. Anti-terrorism powers do indeed impact upon citizenship claims, for instance in the curtailment of formal rights. Equally, the everyday, lived, experiences and practices of citizenship contribute to, and help shape, the perceptions and understandings of anti-terrorism policy from within the citizenry 相似文献
182.
Torin Monahan 《社会征候学》2013,23(4):515-534
This paper analyzes practices of counter-surveillance—particularly against closed-circuit television systems in urban areas—and theorizes their political implications. Counter-surveillance is defined as intentional, tactical uses, or disruptions of surveillance technologies to challenge institutional power asymmetries. Such activities can include disabling or destroying surveillance cameras, mapping paths of least surveillance and disseminating that information over the Internet, employing video cameras to monitor sanctioned surveillance systems and their personnel, or staging public plays to draw attention to the prevalence of surveillance in society. The main argument is that current modes of activism tend to individualize surveillance problems and methods of resistance, leaving the institutions, policies, and cultural assumptions that support public surveillance relatively insulated from attack. 相似文献
183.
论构建我国无效行政行为制度 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
目前,由于我国行政活动的多样性、人的认识能力的有限性等方面的原因,导致行政权力行使者超越权力、滥用权力等违法行政行为时有发生。因此,为保障行政相对人的合法权益,构建无效行政行为制度已成为当务之急。 相似文献
184.
中国船舶抵押权登记对抗效力问题除应适用《中华人民共和国海商法》外,还应当在《中华人民共和国海商法》没有特别规定的情况下适用《中华人民共和国物权法》《中华人民共和国担保法》《中华人民共和国民法通则》及其司法解释中关于动产抵押权的相关规定。对《中华人民共和国物权法》《中华人民共和国担保法》及司法解释中关于抵押权和抵押登记的规定适用于船舶抵押权时存在的问题加以探讨,并提出如何在《中华人民共和国海商法》进行修订或制定相关司法解释时对船舶抵押权与其他物权冲突时何种权利优先等问题加以规定和完善的相关立法建议。 相似文献
185.
开明士绅(绅士)这一历史群体,在抗日战争时期,是中共领导的各抗日根据地"三三制"民主政权中属于中间势力的一部分.在抗战初期及中期,中共为团结开明士绅共同抗日,做了大量的卓有成效的工作.但在抗战后期,中共的开明士绅工作出现了较明显的弱化倾向.本文以中共华北抗日根据地的开明士绅工作为例,分析了这一弱化倾向的表现及其原因. 相似文献
186.
张志祥 《山西警官高等专科学校学报》2003,11(2):63-65
恐怖主义活动称得上是当今世界最严重的社会问题之一.综观以色列的历史,它自称是恐怖主义的受害者,实际上它也是一个恐怖主义的大国.但与其他的恐怖主义不同,它更多的是国家军事战略基础之上的"恐怖主义".以色列边防卫队就是在这样的战略方针下执行边境防暴平乱任务的,其危险性之大也就可想而知. 相似文献
187.
188.
李禄俊 《四川行政学院学报》2003,(4):29-32
抗日战争时期毛泽东的民主思想,相对于毛泽东一生的各个时期而言,具有高度重视民主制度与文化的双重建设;高度重视民主进程与民主理想的相互规定和实现;具有高度的现代意识等理论特点,其思想的深邃和宽广,为我们今天的社会主义民主政治建设提供了有益的借鉴。 相似文献
189.
Elisabeth Olivius 《亚洲研究》2017,49(3):289-307
Refugee camps are frequently perceived as spaces of emergency and exception. However, they are also spaces where millions of people live their everyday lives, sometimes for extended periods of time. As such, refugee camps are political spaces where struggles over the right to influence life in the camps and shape how they are governed are continuously ongoing. In this context, what are the opportunities for political participation for refugees living in camps? How and to what extent are refugees able to carve out political space where they can engage with and affect their lives and their situations? This paper addresses these questions through an analysis of refugee camps in Thailand. Drawing on Foucauldian analytics, the analysis demonstrates how key strategies employed to govern refugees, namely spatial confinement and development interventions are also creatively subverted by refugees and appropriated as bases for resistance and political mobilization. The article provides new insights into the relationship between power and resistance, demonstrating how specific technologies of governance create opportunities for subversion, reinterpretation, and appropriation. 相似文献
190.
Tu Phuong Nguyen 《当代亚洲杂志》2016,46(2):345-358
This article reviews three recent books on labour politics in Vietnam and China: Angie Tran’s Ties That Bind: Cultural Identity, Class and Law in Vietnam’s Labor Resistance; Jeffrey Becker’s Social Ties, Resources and Migrant Labor Contention in Contemporary China: From Peasants to Protesters, and Eli Friedman’s Insurgency Trap: Labor Politics in Post-Socialist China. These three books capture the changing patterns of labour unrest and labour institutions in Vietnam and China, which are accounted for by the social foundation of resistance as well as the political economy of capitalist development. Their main contribution to the existing literature is that they draw out the new dynamics and new venues within the state that can both enable and constrain labour resistance and struggle in these countries. However, this article also argues that these works have not adequately theorised the nature of change within the state and the role of the law in labour resistance. It therefore suggests that bringing in the law to socio-political institutions is essential to a research agenda that explores continuity and change in labour politics in Vietnam and China as transitional economies. 相似文献