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161.
Markus Kröger 《The Journal of peasant studies》2016,43(4):886-909
With the rise of ‘bioeconomy’, trees are receiving increasing attention. This contribution conducts a preliminary analysis of the trajectories and the main drivers of change in the rise of new, flexible and multiple uses of trees. It assesses the political dimensions involved in this transformation, which is simultaneously ongoing, anticipated and imagined. Notes are offered on the issues to be considered when the flex-crop framework is operationalized to include the study of trees, and additional conceptualizations that help in analyzing the political economy of tree uses are provided. Areas needing further empirical study are identified and a preliminary research agenda is suggested. The flexible and multiple use of trees and tree-derived commodities is having a large impact on power relations in the global political economy of forestry and the forest industry, the asymmetry of which is based on who is best able to flex or de-multiply, thereby controlling commodity webs and processing technology. It is argued that while flexing seems to increase diversity, in practice it typically increases this only for the processing industry; the converse occurs in terms of the unification of the productive base into monocultures. However, these two processes go hand in hand, and illustrate how flexing is a deeply capitalist process. 相似文献
162.
Indigenous peoples’ right to prior consultation and to informed consent represents the basis of the new global model shaping state–indigenous relations. Consultation processes promise to enable indigenous people to determine their own development and are especially promoted when extraction projects with significant socio-environmental impacts are planned on indigenous lands. In this article we draw on debates on participatory development in order to analyse the first state-led consultations in Bolivia’s and Peru’s hydrocarbon sectors (2007–14). The analysis shows that effective participation has been limited by (1) an absence of indigenous ownership of the processes; (2) indigenous groups’ difficulties defending or even articulating their own visions and demands; and (3) limited or very general outcomes. The study identifies real-life challenges, such as power asymmetries, a ‘communication hurdle’ and appropriate timing – as well as simplistic assumptions underlying the consultation approach – that account for the unfulfilled promises of this new model. 相似文献
163.
Soli Vered 《Journal of Peace Education》2015,12(2):138-153
Peace education is considered a necessary element in establishing the social conditions required for promoting peace-making between rival parties. As such, it constitutes one of Israel’s state education goals, and would therefore be expected to have a significant place in Israel’s educational policy in general and in response to peace moves that have occurred during the Arab–Israeli conflict since the 1970s in particular. This article reviews the educational policy actually applied by Israel’s state education over the years as reflected in formal educational programs and school textbooks, and suggests that although some significant changes have taken place over time, there has been and still is a significant gap between the stated goal and the practice of peace education in Israel. Reasons for this disparity and its implications are discussed and possible directions are proposed for coping with this educational challenge. 相似文献
164.
Laura Quaynor 《Journal of Peace Education》2015,12(1):15-36
Although policymakers stress the importance of education in promoting peace, little research examines the ways that schools prepare students affected by conflict to participate in the restoration of peace in their political community. Post-conflict societies experience severe challenges in strengthening political processes and social cohesion. This paper discusses citizenship education at a school run by a non-governmental organization near Monrovia, Liberia, examining the implemented curriculum in an 8th grade civics classroom. The paper details the ways that young people expressed civic critiques within the classroom, and provides a counterstory to narratives of harsh and violent educational environments in the region. This classroom was a space where students and their teacher engaged in talk about contentious issues: students discussed corruption and injustice, and highlighted the relationship between economic and political power. I argue that if the goal of education is to produce engaged, effective citizens, teachers should have pedagogic support to confront the differences between the implemented curriculum and students’ lived experiences. Peace education in such contexts must include equipping students to seek justice. Furthermore, because possibilities for civic education are embedded in students’ local and national contexts, current global civic education initiatives must be adaptive to local realities. 相似文献
165.
Marianna Charountaki 《Third world quarterly》2015,36(2):337-356
The effect of the Arab Uprisings on the interplay of state and non-state entities is revealed as influencing the emergence of multiple players of non-state status pursuing democratic rights, and as attempting to dismiss regional despotism as an intrinsic element of ongoing transition in the Middle East. This article focuses on the positive overall effect on the Kurdish movement of unity and cooperation between KRG and PKK-PYD actors to achieve Kurdish harmony, and as interconnected paradigms vis-à-vis their influence and interaction with regional players. Given the rise of the Kurds in Syria and the KRG’s regional importance as the first actual Kurdish de facto state entity, the PKK’s role appears key for unifying and institutionalising the relatedness of the Kurdish movements in Iraq and Syria. An empirical understanding of the Kurdish case, explained through a conceptual model of ‘multi-dimensional interrelations’, may further clarify how the theoretical framework can be applied to International Relations. 相似文献
166.
杨辉解 《湖北警官学院学报》2007,20(4):58-61
实施社区和农村警务战略,是公安机关主动适应新形势新任务的要求,立足自身实际,不断增强自身战斗力的重要举措,但是在实践中,存在认识不足、公安决策和公安管理体制滞后、群众参与不够、民警素质有待于进一步提高等诸多问题。对此,应采取建立服务群众的工作机制,改革现行的公安管理体制和公安决策运行机制,加大对民警的培训力度,充分整合社会资源等对策。 相似文献
167.
张广会 《河北公安警察职业学院学报》2007,7(3):23-25
公安工作的一个显著特点就是与人打交道,从一定意义上说,就是处理人与人之间关系的工作。因此,要遵照公安部提出的,在公安工作中要"最大限度地增加和谐因素,最大限度地减少不和谐因素"。要求特别是基层民警应紧紧抓住"三基"工程建设的大好机遇,正确处理好三种关系,把"两个最大限度"的要求落实到实处,以实际行动促进社会的和谐稳定,激发社会的创造力。 相似文献
168.
刘阳怀 《湖北警官学院学报》2007,20(1):40-42
加强公共危机管理是构建和谐社会的重要内容。警察临战是公共危机管理的重要组成部分,它为公共危机管理决策提供服务,为公共危机管理提供资源保障,它是公共危机管理的重要手段。危机管理是警察临战学的理论基础。 相似文献
169.
冯永强 《湖北警官学院学报》2007,20(1):74-77
在界定警察公共关系科学内涵基础上,分析当前我国警察公共关系的现状和存在的问题,借鉴国外和我国港台地区警察公共关系的实践经验,探寻我国新型警察公共关系建设的策略。 相似文献
170.
宋福荣 《湖北警官学院学报》2007,20(3):57-60
当前长江下游水域治安问题突出,侵财性案件较多;非法采砂的行为屡禁不绝;群体性事件和水上治安灾害事故突出。在治安管理过程中面临着执法依据不全、管理体制不顺、水上警务保障不足的困境。 相似文献