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101.
服务型政府:构建社会主义和谐社会的制度基础   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
公共服务型政府是一种新的政府治理模式,强调以公民为中心,具有服务性、法治性、有限性、透明性和高效性的鲜明特征。服务型政府的建设是构建社会主义和谐社会的必然选择,是提高国家核心竞争力的重要途径,是和谐社会题中应有之义,是和谐社会构建的制度平台。建设服务型政府要求政府从管理理念、管理职能、管理制度、管理手段和行为方式等方面实现根本性的转变。  相似文献   
102.
肖辉 《河北法学》2007,25(1):137-142
刑事被追诉人(即犯罪嫌疑人、被告人)知情权(或称知悉权)是伴随程序主体地位的确立而提出来的.现代刑事诉讼理念要求在诉讼构造的设计方面,努力追求控辩双方的平等对抗.结合我国的刑事司法实践,就需要强化被追诉人的防御权体系,以追求攻防的相对均衡,而知情权则是这一防御权体系的前提和基础.我国现行的刑事诉讼法关于被追诉人知情权的规定尚存不足,需要强化并改进.对被追诉人知情权的探讨离不开对现有法律规定的分析,需要从实然与应然的角度做出评析,不仅要明确知情权,而且还要保障知情权的实现.  相似文献   
103.
人本化德育是当前德育发展的趋势,在德育过程中它强调人的主体性、人的自我价值,并从个体的自我需要出发进行道德教育,从而实现受教育者的全面发展,使之成为道德高尚的人。因此,从人本化德育的本质入手,探讨新时期大学生人体化德育的构建模式,对提高大学生的思想政治、道德素质有着积极的现实意义。  相似文献   
104.
Why do conservative nationalists in Japan continuously seek to revise the constitution despite the past failures, and what is the likelihood of successful revision and its impact on Japan's norm of pacifism and its use of force? The article offers an analytical framework for the issue based on national pride and national security, and argues that the ‘revisionists’ seek to create a new national identity, one that infuses a greater sense of national pride among the public and enables the exercise of collective self-defense, thereby removing Japan's postwar psychological and institutional limitations on nationalism and military activities. The LDP's 2012 draft is most explicit and ambitious in this regard, with the current revision attempt under Abe having the highest chance of success since the 1950s. Successful revision would significantly expand Japan's security activities, particularly within the framework of the US–Japan Security Alliance, and entail the end of Japan's unique postwar institutionalized pacifism, although the norm of pacifism will linger on as a constitutional principle. For a smoother return to the international military scene, the Japanese government must distance itself from historical revisionism and utilize its enhanced military role to promote regional public goods rather than merely protecting its narrow national interests.  相似文献   
105.
This article argues for the relevance of a rhetorical approach to the study of citizenship, proposing the concept of rhetorical citizenship as a term for a fourth dimension of citizenship and as a scholarly approach to the topic in addition to the dimensions of status, rights, and identity commonly recognized in the literature. We show how this view aligns with current views of the multidi Citizenship Studies mensionality of citizenship, explain our use of the term rhetoric, and illustrate the usefulness of a rhetorical approach in two examples. In close textual readings both examples – one vernacular, one elite – are shown to discursively craft and enact different notions of citizenship vis-a-vis the European refugee crisis. We conclude that a rhetorical perspective on public civic discourse is useful in virtue of its close attention to discursive creativity as well as to textual properties that may significantly, but often implicitly, affect citizens’ understanding of their own role in the polity, and further because it recognizes deep differences as inevitable while valorizing discourse across them.  相似文献   
106.
包毅 《中国发展》2009,9(4):49-53
复杂性科学提供了一种新的思维方式和方法论,被人文社会科学的学者广泛重视,它具有动态多变性、非线性、自组织性、非加和性、不可还原性等特征。阿马蒂亚·森在质疑以简单性思维为基础的传统发展观基础上,立足于开放社会的复杂系统,用复杂性思维去探索发展问题,提出以人为本的发展观、能力发展观、自由发展观,超越了传统发展观的机械论、还原论等局限,对中国避免西方发达国家弊端,实践科学发展观不无裨益。  相似文献   
107.
Taiwan may be an internal affair but the domestic public opinion is not invited to participate very much in a debate and a decision-making process that have remained confined to the Chinese Communist Party and the military top leadership and, on purpose, involves a very small number of officials and experts. Conservative and nationalist forces do constrain Beijing’s Taiwan policy. And some leaders are tempted to use the Taiwan issue for unrelated domestic or foreign policy purpose. Nevertheless, what is striking is the potential for flexibility in China’s Taiwan policy. While Chinese local governments and companies’ increasing interests in business-as-usual in the Strait and the unbearable cost of any armed conflict tend to narrow the government’s options, concentration of power and the efficiency of the propaganda machine allow it to rather smoothly manage, in particular vis-à-vis the elites’ conservative opinion group as well as its own public opinion, this flexibility.  相似文献   
108.
Governments are run by humans who have sympathies and moods. The study of leaders' personalities, albeit not widespread, is an important tool for foreign policy analysis. Plus, friendship is a feeling that decision-makers like to express for each other. This paper analyses the activity of Silvio Berlusconi, Italy's three times premier, who has made ‘friendship’ a central tenet of his personal foreign policy. Three cases are considered, namely, Berlusconi's relationship with George W. Bush, Tony Blair and Vladimir Putin. The paper concludes that his friendship-based foreign policy has somehow worked; but, because he decided to ignore Italy's structural constraints in the international arena, he ended up wasting opportunities and resources.  相似文献   
109.
中国新闻出版业向东盟"走出去"极具重要性,但当前存在受文化差异影响较大、出版单位文化创新能力较差、人才缺乏和认识上的不足等方面的问题。在政策支持进一步加强、中国—东盟自由贸易区建成等有利条件下,应充分响应国家相关政策,增强向东盟"走出去"的主动性;发挥广西的平台作用,增强新闻出版整体实力;增强新闻出版业"走出去"的能力;加强新闻出版人才培养;为新闻出版业"走出去"提供法律和机制保障。  相似文献   
110.
Abstract

Inspired by feminist new materialist and posthuman activist philosophy, this paper speculates on what happens when data entangles with arts-based methodologies in a school-based participatory activist project with six teen girls (age 15) on gender-based and sexual violence. Mapping the journey of how data become da(r)ta and how da(r)ta become d/artaphacts, the paper follows how the Runway of Disrespect, the Shame Chain, the Ruler-Skirt and the Tagged Heart ripple through peer cultures, school assemblies and national policy landscapes. Each journey provides a small glimpse into how bodies, space, objects, affects and discourse ‘intra-act’ in dynamic assemblages to produce d/artaphacts crafted from and carrying experience. The paper concludes to consider the ethical-political affordances of how participatory arts-based methodologies and the im/personal vitality of objects might support young people to safely and creatively communicate and potentially transform oppressive sexual cultures and practices.  相似文献   
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