宪法作为行政法直接渊源论析

宪法作为行政法直接渊源是在技术层面所作的分析,对于宪法的实施与实现以及解决宪法与行政法的关系有深层次意义。它具有体现宪法规制力、弥补行政法不足、将宪法权利类型化、构造一国法治体系的价值。当然,鉴于宪法与行政法的质的区别,宪法原则、宪法中的政治性条款、宪法中的非行政性规则不能作为行政法的直接渊源。     

制度安排的伦理考量

任何制度都是一种规则或规范的安排 ,一种人类的理性选择。这种安排和选择决定于生产力的性质和发展水平 ,同时 ,也是制度的进化和变革的过程。一部社会制度的变迁史 ,就是不断引入新的规则与规范、新的合作与竞争、新的利益关系和利益选择的创新发展史。这其中伴随着人们对正义、平等等价值的追求 ,以及制度安排的伦理考量     

Depoliticisation and ahistoricism of transparency and accountability via global norms: assessing the EITI in Ghana and Nigeria

ABSTRACT

While extant assessments of the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI) have focused on institutional and regulatory regimes, such evaluations have largely tended to depoliticise institutions. This article argues that a more robust understanding of EITI processes must give central attention to historically situated political structures and power relations that continue to shape the present institutional quality/capacity of extractive industries' transparency, and EITI reforms. Assessing the EITI in Africa through the lens of historical institutionalism clarifies how global governance regimes interface with specific institutional pathways, state-corporation-civil society configurations, and historical legacies to produce outcomes that may complement or undermine intended reforms.     

网络空间供应链国际规范研究——构建供应链生态系统总体安全观

随着全球信息通信产业的深度融合,供应链已日益成为网络空间中主要的安全威胁来源,各国在供应链安全领域对国际规范的需求日益提升。然而,以2015年联合国信息安全政府专家组报告为共识基础的"GGE供应链规范"由于在内容上过于专注西方国家所重视的技术攻击威胁,忽视了中国等发展中国家避免对环境进行干预和扰乱的需求,导致了"技术安全观"与"环境安全观"之间的倾向差异。加之存在条文表述上的模糊与缺陷,"GGE供应链规范"无法满足当前的现实安全需要。应当在兼顾各方立场的基础上,构建供应链生态系统总体安全观,并厘定新的总规范表述以统领整个体系架构。     

Norm dynamics and international organisations: South Africa in the African Union and International Criminal Court

Over the past two decades, South Africa has sought to perform several roles on the world stage, such as the economic dynamo of Southern Africa, a diplomatic heavyweight representing the African continent, and a norm leader on the world stage as a so-called ‘middle-power’. Although South Africa's evolution and rise as an important player in global affairs has generated a welcome body of critical scholarly literature, comparatively little analysis has been allocated to understanding how norm dynamics and the country's ever-evolving international identities have enabled it to construct and reconstruct its ‘interests’. Social constructivism is best suited for such an analysis because it can operationalise norms, commitments, identities, and interests, and it provides the epistemological tools to map the increasingly multilateral connections between global, regional, and domestic forums. By employing a rationalist approach to constructivism, this paper remedies the aforementioned gap in the literature by illustrating how South Africa constructs and reconstructs its identities and interests in relation to membership in international organisations (IOs). To that end, the paper examines the evolution of South Africa's participation in the African Union (especially ‘peacekeeping’ contributions) and the International Criminal Court. The paper concludes by assessing the theoretical implications and practical ramifications of the norm dynamics involved in South Africa's commitment to these two IOs.     

Arms Transfers beyond the State-to-State Realm

Arms transfers beyond the state-to-state realm can have harmful effects for international security dramatically affecting the relations and behavior of states. This article examines why an emerging international norm on "prohibiting states to transfer arms to nonstate groups" has failed to diffuse at the international level. It discusses the already available international law framework existing at the regional and international levels upon which the potential norm could be built. The failure of the norm to diffuse at the international level can be primarily explained by the existence of a long-consolidated norm: the customary practice of states to transfer weapons to nonstate actors, that is, groups they deem legitimate to, without any interference or constraint. ¹ The unrestrained transfer of weapons is an established foreign-policy practice. It is the way states form, uphold alliances, extend friendships, and build spheres of influence ( Sorokin 1994 ). Clearly, no state willingly wants to give this up. Therefore, the multilateral agreement on a norm barring most or all transfers of weapons to nonstate actors would curtail the freedom of action to build spheres of influence as states please. There are genuine ethical and moral dilemmas in this discussion, a nonstate actor may be a freedom fighter or a terrorist depending on different perspectives. The distinction between the categories "state" and "nonstate" actors may risk classifying actors in two camps: the good and the bad, respectively. This is problematic as a few states are known to be the most brutal perpetrators of egregious violations against their own citizens, whereas certain nonstate actors are legitimately fighting for the protection of vulnerable populations.     

论法益侵害说与规范违反说之争

法益侵害说与规范违反说的争论主要在实质的犯罪概念和实质违法性领域。在实质犯罪概念领域内的争论主要是为了解释现行刑法和指导刑事立法;在实质违法性领域内争论的功能是为符合构成要件行为的正当化提供解释依据。按照中国刑法理论体系,讨论法益侵害说与规范违反说只能在实质的犯罪概念领域中进行。     

期待可能性理论的法理学分析

在大陆法系的三阶段犯罪论体系中,期待可能性被认为属于责任论领域的问题,没有期待可能性就没有刑事责任。对期待可能性的法理学分析必须超越刑法学的问题域。期待可能性问题与各种责任本质理论并无直接的必然的联系,期待可能性是义务性规范的立法要求,在刑事司法的定罪过程中,不允许司法者直接考量期待可能性问题,坚持形式合理优先。     

从规范结构和语言看我国民族法律的运行——以我国涉环境保护的民族法律纵向维度为样本

法律实施是法律运行的关键一环,法律具备或良好抑或较差的可操作性是法律目的实现的关键。民族自治地方具有民族立法权,这些地区在宪法、民族区域自治法的指导下可以制定自治条例和单行条例,这些条文的运行状态是否良好直接关系到我国民族区域自治制度的落实质量。本文以我国涉环境保护的民族法律纵向维度为样本,以法律语言学、法律逻辑结构为视角,考察我国民族法律规范的现实可操作性。     

从“三鹿事件”看我国行政不作为赔偿的法律空间——兼论《国家赔偿法(修正案草案)》的相关规定

现行法律未明文规定的行政不作为,但通过一定的法律解释方法,可以将其纳入我国现有的行政诉讼受案范围和行政赔偿范围。在行政行为是否构成实定法下的行政不作为这个前提性问题上,是无法同样运用法律解释的方法"推而衍之"的,即无法通过法律解释的方法释放出空间,这样,在修改《国家赔偿法》的时候,引入保护规范理论就是一个可行的解决方案。