论“完全代孕”协议的效力及其法律规制

"完全代孕"是真正具有互助、慈善和利他性质的代孕行为。"完全代孕"协议是一种特殊的委托代理合同,是一种具有较强专属性的身份性契约。在现行法律框架内应适用合同法的有关规定,对于其中涉及亲权和抚养权转移问题的,则应当适用婚姻法的有关规定。未来立法应当通过严格限定代孕行为的主体资格,规范"完全代孕"协议的内容,规范代孕协议的订立程序,规定"完全代孕"协议的解除条件和程序等,将"完全代孕"协议纳入法律规制的范畴。     

Congressional Arts Caucus Legislative Summary 99th Congress

Abstract

The following legislative summary is an unusual choice for the journal to print, but we feel it summarizes a number of disparate and important facts that our readers might value in a single source. Like a previous report of the Institute of Museum Services some issues ago, this summary is more an internal document than an article in the traditional sense. We feel it could use a broader dissemination.

Of particular interest are the changes in legislation for the Arts and Humanities Reauthorization FY 1986–1990 since they reflect policy-related decisions that are perhaps a microcosm of some of the major issues emerging during the twenty-year history of our National Endowments for the Arts and Humanities. These changes also reflect problems that practitioners—in particular, arts managers—will be dealing with on a daily basis and in very specific terms over the next half decade. These include access to the arts and humanities for those people in rural areas and in underrepresented groups, greater restrictions for those who sit in judgment on their peers, either on the National Council or as panelists, and a mandate for stronger reporting procedures both before and after grant awards.

The summary of the 1986 Tax Reform Act Provides a quick review of a Subject that is already emotionally chrged, especially since, in the name of “tax simplification,” confusion seems to have increased in the minds of all but a few seers and interpreters. The public laws section and the list of pending legislation will give the reader a broad view of the kinds of advocacy concerns the arts community can rally around. From the National Anthem to copyright to issue of violence on television, the Congressional Arts Caucus has provided us with an important overview of legislation in the field.     

Committee Property Rights,Executive Dominance,and Political Parties in Latin American Legislatures

Motivated by theories of congressional committees in the US context, and building on the growing body of work focusing on the institutional features of legislatures in Latin American presidential systems, this paper explores two previously overlooked aspects of committee politics. Using comparative data from three Latin American countries, it examines the strategic and jurisdictional dynamics in which chamber leaders assign bills to committees and then investigate the factors affecting presidential and partisan success within committees. In general, the authors find that committees have strong property rights and that characteristics of both bills and bill initiators strongly influence the survival of legislation in committee. The results shed light on the effects of institutional design on the policy process in presidential systems.     

Ideological Congruence among European Political Parties

Do European political parties represent the ideology of their voters well? This research aims to provide an empirical appreciation of the levels to which Members of Parliament (MPs) ideologically represent their electorate within political parties in 12 European countries. The variable used is left–right self-placement and representation is measured through congruence. Three main hypotheses are tested. First, MPs express greater ideological extremism than voters. Second, MPs have biased perceptions on the positioning of their electorate. Third, New Left parties exhibit higher levels of representation than the other parties. This article's findings reveal that only the second hypothesis can be supported without restrictions.     

The Time Path of Legislative Party Switching and the Dynamics of Political Competition: The Italian Case (1996–2011)

Political competition is more realistically described as a dynamic process rather than as a series of static stages in which parties compete over policy and government formation. This paper focuses on legislative party switching as the main manifestation of this endogenously evolving process, linking individual switching behaviour to policy and office incentives that are assumed to evolve throughout the life of the entire legislature. Using a new data set tracking the timing of MPs’ changes in party affiliations between 1996 and 2011 in Italy, it is found that switching is mainly motivated by policy reasons and that it is more likely during government formation periods and budget negotiations. These results are a consequence of the interplay between MPs’ ambition and the alternation of key phases in the legislative cycle.     

The United States,Japan, and the European Union: comparing political economy approaches to China

Abstract

This paper examines US, Japanese, and European political economy approaches to China, and their effect on US–Japan and US–EU relationships. Great powers with a greater security concern in dealing with another major country care more about power while those with less of a concern are preoccupied with calculations for wealth. China's rise and its actions have posed a far greater security challenge to the United States and Japan and are driving the two countries closer together. The political economy game involving China reveals a dominant welfare motive among the advanced market economies. The ambition to transform China politically has diminished. China's integration into the global market makes a relative gains approach difficult to implement. Globalization simply limits the ability of a state to follow a politics-in-command approach in the absence of actual military conflict, which explains why the political economy approaches of the United States, Europe, and Japan are not that different in the scheme of things. China's own grand strategy to reach out to the world to outflank the US–Japan alliance has also contributed to a divergent European policy toward China although there are severe limitations to Beijing's ability to drive a wedge between the United States and Europe.     

中国梦视角下大学生有效政治参与的途径研究

大学生有效政治参与是我国公民政治参与的重要组成部分,对实现中国梦具有重要意义。当前我国大学生有效政治参与仍存在不平衡性、实用主义等现实问题,通过发挥国家调控、学校引领、个人自律等方面的力量,解决大学生有效政治参与存在的现实问题,为实现中国梦尽一份力。     

Semiotics of corruption: ideological complexes in Mexican politics

ABSTRACT

This article analyses a complex text and event to examine the role of ramifying contradictions in strategic social semiotics analysis. The focus was a paradoxical intervention into corruption by then-Mexican President Peña, who responded to an unprecedented wave of popular criticisms of corruption by simultaneously launching an Anticorruption System and apologizing for his own corruption. We asked: how did this contradiction work, in this conjuncture, with what effects, and how analyse them? We combined the concepts of the Ideological Complex and Wittgenstein’s “duck-rabbit” to explain unstable contradictions in a multiscalar, multimodal analysis of a diachronic corpus, to expose discursive strategies and identify points of vulnerability.     

The political rationalities of regionalism: APEC and the EU in comparative perspective

Abstract

The essay is a comparative analysis of APEC and the EU, which looks at the particular sorts of economic orders these institutions are helping to create. It is argued that the two regions display some noteworthy differences that result from different approaches to the problem of economic governance. These differences reflect much more than the relative degree and level of regional institutionalization; they flow from different ‘political rationalities’ that are themselves a function of the very different liberal and illiberal polities in Europe and East Asia. Our key theoretical innovation is to use the framework of political rationality to explain different regional approaches to economic governance; more specifically we argue that the EU and the East Asian members of APEC may be understood as respectively subscribing to broadly conceived liberal and cameralist approaches to economic governance which are in turn reflected in the design of regional institutions.     

Political citizenship and local political participation for disabled people

The theme of this article is political citizenship among people with disabilities. Political citizenship on the basis of gender and ethnicity has received attention internationally. However, there has been little attention on political citizenship of persons with disabilities. The article sheds light on political representation at the local level in Norway. The data used are from a survey sent to 767 political representatives in local politics and 50 administrative representatives. Our study shows that disabled people are under-represented in local political assemblies, and thus, their political citizenship is not fully acknowledged. We apply Fraser (N. Fraser, 1997. Justice Interruptus. Critical Reflections on the ‘Postsocialist’ Condition. New York and London: Routledge) concepts of redistribution and recognition to analyse the lack of representation of disabled people. According to the dimension of redistribution, the analysis shows that neither the physical conditions nor the organization of the different meetings is particularly well adapted for disabled people. The dimension of recognition shows that disabled representatives are expected to be more occupied with issues concerning disability than other representatives. The analysis also shows that over time it has become more important for elected disabled representatives to put issues concerning disability on the agenda.