“九七”前后香港政党政治发展分析

在20世纪80年代前,由于英国对香港实施殖民地式统治,香港并没有类似西方国家盛行的民主政治,因此没有政党政治的存在。80年代以后,随着代议政制的推行,香港出现了政党政治。"九七"香港回归后,"一国两制"为香港的政党政治的发展提供了更大的政治空间,使香港的政党政治发展逐步趋向成熟。     

立法机关为什么能行使司法职能

立法机关司法职能的正当性来源于政治权力运行的逻辑必然和实现对它权的制约需要,分权并不排斥各政治部门之间为了合法的目的而进行最低限度的权力交叉;同时,发挥代议机构的政治协调功能以及司法权的社会分享也为之提供了价值支撑和理论根基。     

广州公民政治参与状况调查

公民政治参与是衡量政治文明发展程度的重要标志。调查显示当前广州公民政治参与呈现引人关注的若干基本特点 :党和政府的基层组织、职能部门以及领导人是党群、政群沟通的第一线力量 ;报纸、电视等成为公民政治参与的主流渠道 ,互联网在参与中的作用加强 ;国有和三资企业中的中高级管理人员、个体经营者成为政治生活的一支重要力量 ;选举机制的不完善和沟通渠道的不畅通阻碍公民政治参与的热情 ;多数公民倾向于以正式途径和理智行动解决纠纷 ,但对激烈手段的认同率有所上升 ;必须重视由利益受损、失业压力及腐败问题造成的群众性事件     

网络政治与大学生的政治成长

网络的出现和发展给人类带来了前所未有的变化,深刻地改变着传统的政治发展模式,影响着人类特别是大学生群体的政治生活.本文从网络政治含义入手,分析了网络政治的特点以及与大学生政治成长的关系,突出大学生政治社会化的特点,研究了网络政治给大学生政治成长带来的机遇和挑战,为我国当前大学生在网络条件下政治上的健康成长提出可供借鉴的对策建议.     

法律高职教育实践教学体系探讨

实践教学是高等职业教育的关键性环节,也是制约政法类高等职业教育发展的"瓶颈".如何理解实践教学的内涵,如何构建具有自身特色的实践教学体系,如何保障实践教学体系的实施,是本文所要探讨的几个问题,期求达到抛砖引玉之目的.     

江泽民党建思想研究：回顾与展望

在江泽民党建思想的研究中,我们应加强比较研究工作。要加强研究的系统性和纵深性,对江泽民党建思想作出全面、细致的梳理,弥补目前研究中无专著的缺憾。还应在理论体系构建上多下工夫。     

Weak and Ineffective? Reassessing the Party Political Leadership of John Major

Interpretations on the party political leadership of John Major are dominated by perceptions of weakness and ineffectiveness. This article examines his party political leadership by considering the relationship between, first, his political ambitions, and, second, his style of political leadership. When evaluating the political ambitions of Major, the article will demonstrate that he was ideologically agnostic and a political pragmatist. When examining his party political leadership style, the article will demonstrate, via an examination of his management of the European policy divide and his Cabinet management, that he was politically indecisive and an avoider of political confrontation. The article concludes, however, that perceptions of his weakness and ineffectiveness should be contextualised due to the following two factors: first, the constraints of inheriting an ideologically divided parliamentary Conservative party; and, second, the contrasting circumstances that ensured that his predecessor and successor appeared strong and effective, which have magnified perceptions of his weakness and ineffectiveness.     

中国共产党社会主义民主理论的发展

民主是随着国家的产生而出现的,它同许多政治现象一样,本身也有一个发展变化的过程。马克思主义经典作家在建立马克思主义国家学说和探索无产阶级民主的过程中,对民主有过深入的研究,多层次多侧面地论述过民主问题,对民主的内涵作出了科学的解释。毛泽东关于社会主义民主政治建设的一系列思想观点,对我国的社会主义民主政治建设起了巨大的指导作用,丰富和发展了马克思主义的民主理论。在社会主义建设的新时期,邓小平、江泽民和胡锦涛同志则把中国特色社会主义民主理论和民主政治建设推向了一个新阶段。     

巴基斯坦内政变化与外交调整

巴基斯坦独立以来,国内政治危机不断。穆沙拉夫执掌巴基斯坦政权后,采取种种举措,抓住有利的国际机遇,应对多变的国内外局势,使巴基斯坦国内政治和外交环境有了很大的改观,但是还存在着不少矛盾与问题。总的说来,巴基斯坦国内政治与外交环境正在逐渐适应时势的变化,在向和平与发展的道路上迈进。     

The politics of history and historical memory in China-Japan relations

The current state of China-Japan relations is characterized by two seemingly contradictory developments adjacent to each other: while economic and cultural relations have experienced an unprecedented and continuous improvement since the 1980s, Chinese and Japanese public perceptions of each other have been deteriorating. This raises interesting questions. How do we explain this discrepancy and what are the sources of the increasing public animosity in China or Japan toward the other country? Can China and Japan maintain amicable relations and continue economic cooperation in spite of the enduring mistrust between their peoples? What is the role of public perception and memory of history in the foreign policies of East Asia? This paper addresses these questions, focusing especially on the last one — the role of history and collective historical memory in international relations and the interaction between public sentiment and government foreign policies. Through a detailed study of recent events and the issue of Japanese textbooks, the author argues that public perception of history can and should be guided toward more positive directions. Otherwise, it will be increasingly difficult to maintain amicable relations between the two countries, especially when new nationalism is on the rise in both counties.