A Case Study in ‘Institutionalisation before Liberalisation’: Lessons from Bosnia and Herzegovina

Abstract

International attempts to build a sustainable peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina have come close to the recommendations of Roland Paris’ conceptual framework of ‘Institutionalisation before Liberalisation’. The international peace mission in Bosnia has, through this approach, largely succeeded in dampening the dangers posed by the democratization process. This is clearly indicated by progress in stabilizing the civil peace and in democratization. However, this study of international policy highlights that, while the general policy approach of the ‘Institutionalisation before Liberalisation’ framework is a sound one, it is important to caution that care must be taken to avoid negative and unintended consequences.     

重新反思作为“范式”的教科书哲学——基于学术形态、政治形态、大众形态相统一的视角

马克思主义教科书哲学的发展和创新是马克思主义中国化、时代化、大众化的重要载体,也是马克思主义发展和创新的重要突破口。从学术形态、政治形态、大众形态相统一的视角看,作为"范式"的马克思主义哲学教科书在马克思主义中国化、时代化、大众化方面功不可没,但无疑也需要重新反思其利弊得失,从而沿着马克思开辟的哲学道路不断发展。深入研究作为"范式"的马克思主义教科书哲学,揭示其深层理论困难,具有现实意义。     

中国特色政党制度伦理建设初探

加强中国特色政党制度伦理建设,对于提高党建科学化水平,构建社会主义和谐党际关系,推进政治民主化进程具有重要意义。当前,我国政党制度伦理建设存在着制度伦理法制化不强、平等协商理性相对缺乏、参政党职能效果发挥较弱、政党民主监督体系不完善以及制度伦理理论支撑的相对滞后等问题。加强中国特色政党制度伦理建设,必须加快政党制度伦理法制化建设、推进地方政治协商制度化、提高参政党职能地位、健全政党民主监督体系以及完善制度伦理学科建设。     

协商民主中的公共治理

在当代西方政治哲学复兴之后兴起的协商民主理论与现代公共治理的理论和实践之间存在着一定的内在逻辑性。协商民主的研究视角使我们看到公民社会的思想意识、精神状态以及公共利益、美德等价值观对现代公共治理的重大意义。引入协商民主理论,倡导公共治理中的对话与协商,公民参与意识与积极的公共精神,可以促进政府与公民、政治国家与公民社会在公共治理中的良性互动,由此也将促进协商民主与善治的实现。     

Vote as you Think: Determinants of Consistent Decision Making in Direct Democracy

This study investigates the conditions under which Swiss citizens take consistent decisions, that is, decisions that reflect their argument‐based opinions, during direct‐democratic ballots. In line with recent work on cognitive political behavior, we expect the drivers of consistent voting to be found at the individual and contextual level. At the individual level, we argue that political knowledge positively affects consistent decisions. At the contextual level, we anticipate a positive effect for campaign intensity, complexity and negativism. We estimate hierarchical logistic models based on VOX survey data (1999‐2005) and original data that captures the nature of political campaigns. Our results support our expectations for the situational level and (partially) for the individual factors.     

How to Win a Lost Election: Malapportionment and Malaysia’s 2013 General Election

Abstract

Allegations of electoral irregularities loomed large prior to and following Malaysia’s 13th general election in May 2013. Yet while these irregularities elicited strong reactions domestically and internationally, they are unlikely to have played a significant role in shaping the election’s outcome. Rather than how the game was played, it was the very rules of the game itself that were responsible for returning the United Malays National Organization and its Barisan Nasional coalition to power for the 13th consecutive time, as Malaysia’s electoral institutions quietly transformed the incumbent coalition’s 4% deficit in the popular vote into a 20% winning margin of parliamentary seats. This is largely the result of substantial variation in the size of electoral districts, which had the effect of delivering parliamentary seats to Barisan Nasional with significantly fewer votes than were required by the opposition to secure its seats. This article has two primary aims. First, it seeks to understand better malapportionment in Malaysia by examining the degree of distortions at multiple institutional levels. It demonstrates these distortions to be exceptionally high from a comparative perspective. Second, it seeks to understand better the factors responsible for the size variation of electoral districts, specifically the extent to which the non-partisan factors stipulated in the constitution can explain the variation. Several tests are conducted using new data on the density of voters in electoral districts. The results strongly indicate a partisan element to malapportionment. This creates an institutionalized bias against the opposition and risks increasing polarization in the Malaysian polity.     

论中国农村综合改革的两大基本任务

中国农村综合改革的两大基本任务是再造市场经济的微观基础和基层民主权威。下一步应坚持“整体推进”和“重点突破”相结合的原则,重点推进农地产权制度、民间融资机制、农业科技推广体制和乡镇机构、农村义务教育体制、县乡财政管理体制等项综合改革,为新农村建设提供体制保障、财力支持和动力源泉。     

论我国地方“官场内生腐败”现象产生的体制性根源

当前我国正处在政治、经济、文化、社会和对外开放全方位的高速转型期,一些地方的权力腐败现象呈现出阶段性“多发、高发、群发”的态势。以阜阳市为代表的皖北地区之所以会发生“全方位的政治生态灾难”,实质是一种整体性和结构性的地方官场内生拓展型权力腐败。究其根源就在于,我国经济体制改革与政治体制改革互相脱节,地方行政体制改革与财政体制改革互相脱节,实行“党内民主”与扩大“基层民主”互相脱节。     

民主与特权矛盾视角下人的全面发展问题

民主与特权的矛盾是现阶段影响我国人的全面发展的较为突出的矛盾之一。本文通过分析民主与特权的矛盾及其对人的全面发展的影响，提出要建立有效的政治参与机制促进人的全面发展。     

民主：共产党的生命

能否正确认识和处理共产党与民主的关系不仅是意义重大的理论问题，还是决定共产党能否完成历史使命的重大实践问题。在共产党历史上，对于两者的关系，有的认识清晰却缺乏一贯性，有的认识模糊，有的认识片面、偏颇；而且，共产党的民主实践在发展民主具体形式方面也做得不够。民主是共产党历史使命的题中应有之义，民主是共产党的组织基础和活动原则，民主是共产党完成历史使命的形式。