The effects of protracted conflict and displacement on citizen engagement in Northern Uganda

The Acholi region of Uganda was deeply affected by the war between the Lord’s Resistance Army and the Government of Uganda from the late 1980s to 2006. This article presents qualitative case-study research of how citizen engagement evolved during the conflict and period of internal displacement, analysing the mechanisms through which violent conflict affected the sense and practice of citizenship. The findings show that the securitisation of local institutions and the militarisation of the public sphere limited the opportunity for learning the practice of citizenship. In the post-conflict situation, perceptions and behaviours that developed during the conflict period persist among the Acholi. Finally, the experience of protracted conflict has a negative impact on a sense of citizenship, which weakens the confidence of the Acholi people to engage with the state. With practices of citizenship limited by inexperience and a sense of citizenship that is characterised by alienation, the Acholi find it difficult to hold state actors to account. This demonstrates the need for a clear understanding of the continued fragility of citizenship after violent conflict.     

“三治融合”视域下乡村治理能力提升的三维审视

不同于主要依托村民自治制度展开的传统村治形式,自治、法治、德治相结合的"三治融合"乡村治理方式具有更为丰富的构成要素与更为深刻的价值意蕴。乡村"三治融合"体现了基层民主力量、规范力量与柔性力量的融合,其实践过程即乡村自治能力、法治能力与德治能力的提升过程,其诉求指向涉及参与均衡、权威转化和乡贤培育。从乡村自治能力提升的维度观之,需要推进村民公共参与的均衡化;从乡村法治能力提升的维度观之,需要驱动精英权威向制度权威的转化;从乡村德治能力提升的维度观之,需要挖掘传统乡贤文化精髓并培育新乡贤群体。以上三个通道的打开,可以有效提升乡村治理能力,促进乡村治理现代化和乡村振兴愿景的实现。     

对我国商业贿赂治理的思考

商业贿赂是国际商业交易活动中普遍存在的现象,其破坏了良好的社会管理与经济发展秩序,扭曲了国际竞争条件,具有很强的危害性。根据我国企业跨国经营的具体特点,借鉴美国《海外反腐败法》和国际组织制定的反腐败国际公约的相关内容,制定我国的《海外反商业贿赂法》,以遏制商业贿赂行为的滋生蔓延。     

西部欠发达地区扶贫开发与新农村建设协调推进的成功实践——陕西省实施板块推进、连片开发式扶贫战略调查

西部欠发达地区如何实现扶贫开发与新农村建设有机结合,协调发展,陕西省联系省情实际,认真落实中央建设新农村与构建和谐社会的各项方针政策,坚持以部门支农资金为基础,以县级整合扶贫资源为关键,创造性地实施了整合资源、板块推进、连片开发式扶贫战略,为新阶段扶贫开发与新农村建设的有机结合和协调推进,创出了一条新路子。     

地缘性介入与制度性嵌构：美国亚太区域水安全外交战略

根据地缘利益诉求(攻势/守势)与跨国流域水治理程度(工具性/制度性)两个指标,可以将"水安全外交"界定为国家以及相关行为体围绕跨境水资源安全问题展开的博弈行为。水安全外交包括冲突预防型、霸权引导型、水互动冷漠型和治理后现代型四种类型。作为霸权引导型的美国水安全外交战略,其核心是通过水的全球治理来巩固其全球霸权地位,主要表现在两个方面:一是通过大国的地缘性介入,保障其水外交的战略利益;二是通过对区域水治理体系的制度性嵌置和重构,保持其水外交的合法性和有效性。美国通过水外交的四条路径(联盟和议题联系方式、同水外交大国的协调方式、国际组织议题嵌入、网络化伙伴关系)推进水安全外交政策和安全战略的制定。在其水外交进程中,国内外的动因机制发挥了重要作用。美国通过水安全外交拓展自身在亚太的地缘利益诉求,推行美国价值观的水治理原则和规范,嵌构以美国为核心的水安全治理体系,遏制地区大国(特别是中国)的水话语权,以最终实现美国在区域水—能源—粮食纽带安全中的战略优势平衡。     

法律史视野下的羁縻政策研究———以唐、清两代治理西北边疆的比较为例简

中国古代传统的羁縻政策是中央政府通过法律治理西北边疆的重要组成部分,其实质是一种法律制度.唐、清两代治疆理念继承和发展了中国古代传统的羁縻政策并有所损益变化.唐代和清代是羁縻政策发展演变的典型时期.从法律史学的角度对二者进行比较,勾勒出中国古代羁縻政策的演变,还原两代封建王朝中央政府治理西北边疆的政策、方略.     

Formal Rules and Informal Cooperation: Inter-governmental Relations in Domestic European Policy Making in Comparative Perspective

One of the key elements of the strategies of interest representation of strong legislative regions in EU policy making is active participation in the co-ordination processes within the member state. This article argues that Europeanization of inter-governmental relations leads to a greater emphasis on cooperation in the formal rules on inter-governmental cooperation in EU affairs. However, when informal practices are taken into account, some member states become more cooperative, others arguably less. This divergence can be explained by the circular interplay of formal and informal practices.     

Regional Mobilization in the New Europe: Old Wine in a New Bottle?

This conclusion links the various contributions in light of the introductory framework. In line with our framework, scepticism towards the EU has increased since 2004 across most of the EU regions (old and new) and state-centric approaches (regional influence mediated through the central executives) have become the dominant strategy for regional mobilization. Unmediated access through direct regional representation in Brussels remains an important side-strategy though, especially for sub-state nations and regions with the highest level of regional authority, as theoretically expected. Regional authority—more so than the difference between competitive versus cooperative multi-level designs—is an important predictor against centralization pressures resulting from European integration. Overall, changes in the ‘New Europe’ have intensified but not transformed the dominant patterns of regional mobilization, while system-level and regional variables mediate impacts of Europeanization.     

Understanding a Period of Policy Change: The Case of Hydraulic Fracturing Disclosure Policy in Colorado

This paper investigates the beliefs and framing strategies of interest groups during a period of policy change and the factors explaining policy change. We develop propositions to explore questions concerning policy change primarily from the advocacy coalition framework as well as from other theorie. The propositions are tested by examining the promulgation of a Colorado regulation requiring the disclosure of chemicals used in hydraulic fracturing. Using coded data of documents published by organizations involved in the rulemaking process, we find divergence between industry and environmental groups on their beliefs concerning hydraulic fracturing, as well as their portraying themselves and each other as heroes, victims, and villains, but some convergence on their more specific beliefs concerning disclosure of chemicals. Interviews point to the importance of policy entrepreneurs, timing, a negotiated agreement, and learning for explaining policy change. The findings provide both theoretical and methodological insights into how and why policy changes.     

The Global Climate Regime: Explaining Lagging Reform

There have been growing calls for reform of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). How have governments met the demand for action on climate change despite the lagging pace of UNFCCC reform? New qualitative data demonstrate that the institutional, sectoral, and technical characteristics of multilateral institutions have guided government choices in managing climate change issues. Institutional resources and sectoral participation in multilateral institutions have enabled governments to handle climate change issues outside the UNFCCC, reducing the need to invest in its reform as demand for action has grown. These specialized institutions are able to mitigate political disputes and facilitate greater efficacy in handling specific issues such as financing and emissions mitigation. They have mandates that overlap with the cross‐cutting nature of climate change, requiring no new mandates, which mitigates political disputes in managing specific climate issues.