农民工权利保障的缺失及救济——以职业健康权为例

农民工是具有农村户口身份而在城镇务工的劳动者,兼有农民与工人二者的双重身份。从法学的角度看,农民工的重要特征是权利贫困。目前,我国农民工的职业健康权受到严重侵害",开胸验肺"事件即是典型例证。我国职业病防治体制的罅漏成为制约农民工维权的关键因素,亟待解决。     

原深度贫困村巩固脱贫成果与实现乡村振兴路径研究——基于安徽省24个深度贫困村的调查研究

截至2020年底,我国完成了消除绝对贫困的艰巨任务,区域性整体贫困得到解决,也为其他国家解决贫困问题、加强农村治理提供了宝贵经验.但是,解决了现行标准下农村的绝对贫困问题并不代表农村的贫困问题已经彻底消除,相对贫困问题、防止返贫现象发生成为巩固脱贫成果与实现乡村振兴的重要前提.基于此,本文对部分深度贫困村进行实地调研,...     

论中国小额信贷中女性的核心地位和妇联的作用

本文首先对小额信贷的内涵做了详细分析和界定,提出真正的小额信贷应该坚持以国际通行模式主要扶助贫困妇女的原则;然后从妇联组织的性质、基本职能、组织网络、性别沟通优势和从业经验等五方面论证了妇联系统承担小额信贷业务的合理性和可能性;最后提出了政府如何支持妇联在小额信贷工作中积极发挥作用.     

A question of values: Conservatives and the culture of poverty

Every society has within it some individuals and groups who are successful and some who are less successful. Explanations for these differences range from the political to the economic and from the cultural to the religious. For American conservatives, the differences in individual levels of achievement can be explained primarily in cultural terms. The conservative mythology argues that there are clearly superior and clearly inferior cultural values and that good values produce successful individuals. This article deals with the fundamentally tautological nature of this argument: Why is so-and-so successful? Because he or she has better values. How do we know he or she has better values? Because he or she is successful. After elaborating this intellectual problem, an empirical test is made of the existence of different values among America's social groups. Using census data and national survey data, the personal goals and attitudes of various societal groups and their relative economic accomplishments are presented and compared. This analysis demonstrates that few of the culture-based differences which are asserted by conservatives can be validated empirically.     

Policy Coherence, Global Environmental Governance, and Poverty Reduction

This paper explores linkages between policy coherence, global environmental governance, and poverty reduction. It begins with a few thoughts on what these terms mean, and how they are linked. It then provides some perspectives on how the linkages might be improved over time. The paper takes the view that the most coherent institutional framework for both poverty reduction and environmental protection is likely to be one that is relatively decentralised, and based on a modular (networking) structure. The implication is that this framework should rely mainly on domestic and regional governance institutions, rather than on global ones. Effective management of environmental problems (both national and international) also implies a judicious mix of strong government institutions, smooth-functioning markets, and well-targeted infrastructure investments. The business and labour communities are therefore crucial. Other elements of civil society, notably the NGOs, also have important roles to play. Global environmental governance will have to overcome significant resistance insofar as the interests of the developing countries are concerned. Developing countries will need to be convinced that it is in their best interest to participate in global environmental institutions. The best way of making this case is to link (local) poverty reduction objectives explicitly to (both local and global) environmental protection goals. Bringing greater coherence to international trade, investment, and development co-operation policies could make an important contribution to strengthening these linkages. Investment is particularly important here – in the future, investment governance will likely prove to be more important for poverty reduction than environmental governance. Focusing on global environmental governance will not be enough.     

The Limitations of Water Regulation: The Failure of the Cochabamba Concession in Bolivia

This article examines the limitations of governmental capacity to regulate private sector participation in urban water supply in developing countries through an analysis of the most dramatic failure to date of a major franchise contract for supplying water and sanitation services to a large city – the 40-year concession awarded in September 1999 to Aguas del Tunari (AdT) in Cochabamba, Bolivia. Five months later, the population rioted against water tariff increases and the contract was cancelled. The paper analyses the background, context and factors that explain the failure of the concession and seeks to draw lessons for the regulation of future concessions.     

Social funds and decentralisation: optimal institutional design

Most of the 60+ developing countries that have established social funds (SFs) are decentralising their governments as well. But the question of how to tailor SFs—originally a highly centralised model—for a decentralising context has received relatively little attention in the literature. We first examine evidence on the ability of SFs to adapt to a decentralised context. We then lay out the implications of decentralisation for SF institutional design step‐by‐step through the project cycle. The topic is doubly important because social funds can increase their effectiveness, and the sustainability of their investments, by reorganising internal processes to take advantage of the political and civic institutions that decentralisation creates. Local government has an informational advantage in local needs and characteristics (time and place), whereas SFs have access to better technology and knowledge of sectoral best practice. The key is to create institutional incentives that best combine these relative advantages. Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

城市贫困家庭的社会关系网络研究

本文在问卷抽样调查的基础上对北京城市贫困家庭社会关系网络的规模、关系构成、结构特点及网络成员与贫困家庭的交往频度和空间距离等特点进行了分析.研究发现,较小的网络规模、较高的亲缘比例、空间临近及交往频度高构成了贫困家庭社会关系网络的显著特点.     

The political economy of Mozambique twenty years on: A post-conflict success story?

The following article investigates the state of Mozambique's political economy 20 years after the end of its civil war between FRELIMO and RENAMO, in 1992. This paper is written from the theoretical perspectives of growing criticism of the neo-liberal assumptions that underlie development policy and places the analysis of Mozambique's economic growth and development within the field of development studies as they are played out in African realities. Mozambique is viewed by the donor community and multilateral institutions as a success story of postwar construction, yet a closer look at the development outcomes in Mozambique calls this conclusion into question. The paper found that, despite improvements in reducing the number of people living in poverty between 1992 and 2012, hunger persists and malnutrition and diseases such as malaria, HIV/AIDS and tuberculosis are on the increase. The author concludes that global governance reforms that take cognisance of Mozambique's and indeed Africa's governance challenges are needed to forge a development paradigm relevant for Africa.     

Layoffs in China's City of Textiles: Adaptation to Change

Urban poverty among laid-off workers has become one of the major challenges confronting China due to the massive retrenchment of state employees since the 1990s. While a great deal of research has focused on the general situation or the analysis of aggregate-level data, the workers themselves have been given much less attention. Based on data from Shaanxi Province, this paper examines the current status of the former state workers and their families in the once-prosperous “City of Textiles,” a district of state-owned textile mills and affiliated residential areas where the risk of slum development and marginalisation of former state workers has increased since economic reform. These textile workers had devoted themselves to hard work, acted as communist zealots and performed family duties at the same time, believing that the government would take care of their families. However, the poverty induced by the layoff programme has not only altered their lives and deteriorated intra-family relationships, but has also pushed some laid-off workers into various illegal activities to maintain household finances and to pay for rapidly rising tuition fees and medical expenses. We contest the commonly held view that poverty faced by former state workers is of their own making and show that current government anti-poverty strategies are inadequate to deal with the problem.