Introduction: The Progressive Dilemma in British Politics

This special edition reflects on the contemporary relevance of the insights and concerns of David Marquand's book The Progressive Dilemma. In this Introduction, the editors set the scene for these reflections. They consider the structural changes that have occurred in politics since the 1990s: the impact of globalisation, the erosion of class identities, the rise of ‘identity politics’ and the continued fragmentation of the party system. There has been no reconciliation between the parties of the centre‐left, nor any re‐examination of the ‘liberal tradition’ and the potential for a new synthesis with revisionist social democracy. On the one hand, Corbynism is a radicalised metropolitan species of liberalism, while on the other there are plenty in Labour who stress the need for the party to re‐engage with the traditional, socially conservative values of the working class in a new ‘postliberal’ appeal. Yet the authors argue that those who broadly identify with progressive causes in British politics—animated by the various overlapping strands of social liberalism, social democracy and liberal socialism—have still to work out how to address the historic failings that Marquand so eloquently exposed, to create a new and inspiring intellectual vision that unites and energises the left and centre‐left.     

新社会阶层有序参与民主政治建设的理论困境

新社会阶层作为一支建设中国特色社会主义事业的重要力量,是在改革开放和社会主义市场经济建设浪潮中形成和发展壮大的社会群体。近年来,学术界在新社会阶层身份属性的划分、“政治参与度”以及“政治参与方式”等问题上陷入了理论困境,为此,需要我们从党的共同富裕政策、动态发展过程以及整体的、生态联动的角度来有效化解研究上的难题。     

中美在亚太地区的安全矛盾：演变与逻辑

近年来,中美在亚太地区的安全矛盾持续发酵,逐渐形成安全利益、理念和地区安全秩序构想的全面对立态势,成为影响中美和平共处的重要因素。秩序疑虑与热点问题的对立是中美在亚太地区安全矛盾的主要表现。中美亚太安全矛盾的全方位突显,根本上源于两国力量对比的变化以及由此引发的权力转移态势,是中美总体力量差距背景下局部力量平衡的表现。这种力量平衡表现为:中国作为地区经济中心与美国作为地区安全中心的“二元结构平衡”;中国作为陆权大国与美国作为海权大国的“陆海权力平衡”;在中国近海区域,中美权力均衡态势初步形成。在此过程中,中美对既有安全矛盾管理的失效以及彼此安全威胁认知的反复塑造,客观上增强了矛盾对立的烈度,安全困境逐步形成。随着权力消长和政策互动,中美在亚太地区的安全困境,逐步呈现出从经典安全困境转向“国家引导型的安全困境”加剧的趋势。未来,中美亚太安全矛盾仍然会受到结构性因素的影响,而经济相互依存趋势、技术发展引发的军事威慑变化、意识形态竞争以及非传统安全合作等因素,则将决定既有安全矛盾是否会走向冲突。     

政府信息公开的法治困境与因应

政府信息公开法治化是民主和法治国家的必然要求,是对知情权的法治保障。政府信息公开在实践中出现了从制度到运作的诸多问题,其原因来自制度的不完备以及公权主体的传统观念。政府信息公开的法治化一方面要不断完善规范体系,另一方面要建立完备的责任追究机制,这是建设法治政府的必然要求。     

传染病防治失职罪的适用困境与刑法应对

正在经历的新冠肺炎疫情使我们更加深刻地认识到传染病防治渎职行为的严重危害.但是,刑法第409条对传染病防治失职罪的立法规定,明显存在主体范围狭窄、行为方式单一、入罪门槛过高、刑罚配置失衡等问题.为了提高传染病防治渎职犯罪的治理效能,应当及时采取扩大主体范围、增列行为方式、降低入罪门槛、科学配置刑罚等措施,提高刑法第409条罪刑规范在传染病防治渎职犯罪治理中的能力和水平.     

全球治理视野下国际投资法治的困境与变革

国际投资是全球经济增长的重要引擎。国际投资法治建设亟待加强,以促进国际投资自由化便利化、构建公正合理的国际投资秩序、推动全人类的共同繁荣和可持续发展。当前,国际投资法治建设以双边和区域安排为主导,缺乏多边统筹,不成体系,导致投资法治的功能缺失,滞约了国际投资发展。与此同时,国际投资格局发生深刻变化,投资条约内容的趋同和共商共建共享的全球治理理念的创新为国际投资法治建设提供了良好契机。为此,我们应创新国际投资法治变革的路径,以多边投资实体规则为国际投资法治建设的主要内容,推动国际投资法治的变革。     

高等师范教育发展中的学科教学论

高等师范教育在师范教育重组重构,综合大学试办教育学院的新形势下,遇到了严峻的困境和发展机遇,它必须寻求新的生长点。如何能把握自身优势积极发展教育硕士专业学位教育,如何能理智地明确学科归属,实现资源共享,提升学科实力,如何能重视建构学科体系,锻造学术队伍,开辟实践基地,学科教学论必将获得自身的突破性发展,并对高师教育发展做出重大贡献。     

Washington's perceptions and misperceptions of Beijing's anti-access area-denial (A2-AD) ‘strategy’: implications for military escalation control and strategic stability

Washington has become increasingly concerned that Beijing's anti-access area-denial (A2-AD) capabilities will put at risk US military assets and forward forces operating in the Western Pacific region, enabling China to deter, delay and deny US intervention in future regional conflict and crisis. US defence analysts in their assessments have frequently, and often erroneously, conflated a Chinese operational capability with an underlying strategic intention that conceptualises the United States as its primary (if not sole) target. The central argument this article proffers is that US perceptions of A2-AD have been framed by specific analytical baselines that have overlooked the evolution of Chinese operational and doctrinal preferences, and over-reliant upon military material-based assessments to determine Beijing's strategic intentions, and formulate US military countervails. The article concludes that the strategic ambiguities and opacity associated with Chinese A2-AD capabilities and its ‘active defence’ concept reinforced Washington's reliance upon capacity-based assessments that in turn, exacerbated misperceptions confounded by cognitive bias of Chinese strategic intentions. The critical framing assumptions of this article draw heavily upon the ideas and rationale associated with the international relations ‘Security Dilemma’ concept.     

The Progressive Dilemma Revisited

In his book of the same title, David Marquand identified the progressive dilemma faced by many intellectuals since the beginning of the twentieth century as a question of whether it was better to work through a political party or through civil society to achieve reform. This dilemma was sharpened by the emergence of the Labour party as the main challenger to the Conservatives, because the party was so closely identified with the defence of a particular interest. This hindered the creation of the kind of broad electoral coalition that could win general elections. Throughout most of its history, Labour has failed to realise its promise and sustain reforming governments. In this article, the history of the Labour party over the past hundred years is outlined, in particular the three cycles 1931–51, 1951–79 and 1979–2010 and the divisions and recriminations that have followed each period in government. The current predicament of the party is then briefly assessed.     

刑事司法视角下的国民预测可能性

作为刑法的精神内核,罪刑法定内含预测可能性原理,意图通过明文规定的犯罪与刑罚,克己守法的法官运用形式思维严格适用法律,使民众事先能够预测自己的行为性质,保障行动的自由.然而预测可能性原理实现前提的假设被证伪,刑法规范的模糊性与法律概念的类型化,使得法官适用法律时必然适当能动.同时,法官的法律思维与民众的日常思维存在较大...