Mediation and the Art of Shuttle Diplomacy

Mediation caucusing — that is, separate meetings conducted by the mediator with some, but not all, of the parties — is widely used, but it has become increasingly controversial, as some mediators advocate for a no‐caucus form of mediation using only joint sessions with all parties present. The rationale for the no‐caucus model is that caucuses give the mediator too much power at the expense of the parties, and joint sessions improve the parties' understanding of each other's views. But caucusing adds value to mediation in several ways. First, from the standpoint of economic theory, caucusing provides mediators with an important tool for overcoming two impediments to settlement — the “prisoner's dilemma” (caused by the parties' fear of mutual exploitation) and “adverse selection” (caused by the failure to disclose information). Second, caucusing can help the mediator overcome a variety of negotiation problems, such as communication barriers, unrealistic expectations, emotional barriers, intraparty conflict, and fear of losing face. Third, caucusing provides a more private setting in which the mediator can develop a deeper and more personal understanding of the parties' needs and interests. Although the no‐caucus model may be appropriate for certain types of mediation (particularly those cases in which the parties will have an ongoing relationship), some parties may prefer the efficiency that can be achieved with caucusing, even if that means sacrificing certain other values — such as greater understanding — or giving the mediator more information than the parties have, thus creating the risk of manipulation by the mediator. Moreover, the choice is not binary — numerous variations and hybrid formats can be useful, such as sessions in which the mediator meets with only the parties' lawyers or with only the parties. Choosing the best format for a mediation is more of an art than a science, and mediators should consider, with the parties, whether the parties' objectives would be best served using only joint sessions, extensive caucusing, or a combination of these approaches.     

新生代农民工的思想政治教育探讨

新生代农民工对经济社会的发展做出了重要贡献,但面临的思想问题也逐渐凸显。加强对新生代农民工的思想政治教育,全面提高新生代农民工的综合素质和自我发展能力,是推动农村发展,维护社会稳定的内在要求。     

信访制度的功能期待及其重构

信访制度是一项具有中国特色的政治参与和权利救济制度，但这一制度存在诸多缺陷，学者对信访制度的争论也很激烈，主张进行彻底的改革。笔者认为对信访制度的重构不能局限于对法治的简单的形式主义的理解。     

论网络犯罪侦查中的跨国警务合作

20世纪中叶,计算机的出现引起了人类世界的一次深刻变革,随后开发的网络技术就像一股浪潮席卷了全球。与此同时网络领域的犯罪迅猛发展,严重影响了各国和国际社会的正常秩序。网络犯罪的跨国性十分突出,跨国警务合作势在必行。应加强网络犯罪侦查中跨国合作的建设,发挥国际刑警组织的协调作用,同时完善各国法律框架,开展更广阔范围内的国际刑事司法协助,并重视发挥民间技术力量的作用。     

有效性视阈下绩效合法性的内在困境及制度化应对

有效性作为各国执政党汲取合法性的重要资源,在现代化进程中面临着内在的困境。超越这一困境,需要将合法性基础建构在制度之上：提高现有政治参与体制对＂输入性＂和＂自主性＂功能的敏感程度;执政党在国家权力运行过程中需要强化对程序正义的重视;党在制定政策时应体现和贯彻正义的差别原则。     

论废除监视居住的理由

在社会转型时期，由于犯罪现象本身呈现出与常态社会的极大不同，以保障人权和追诉犯罪为目的的刑事强制措施也得因之变化。监视居住是《刑事诉讼法》规定的一种强制措施，但现如今，其制度生存的社会根基被剥离，适用条件违反了比例原则，适用空间极其微小，以及无法破除的执行困境等废除理由的凸显和强化，它必将日渐式微并最终被废除。     

“文化围城”及其超越

在东西方文化的碰撞之间存在着一种非常普遍的文化隔障或壁垒,并由此引出一些文化误解与冲突,可以把这种现象叫做"围城"现象.从哲学上来讲,对文化围城问题可以从文化本体论、价值论、认识论等角度来进行探索.如果说现代化也是一种文化现象,则在现代化问题上也存在着一种非常深刻的"围城"问题."文化围城"今天具体表现在对于现代化、资本主义和社会主义的一些思想误区,我们应当走出"围城",从而为人类文化的未来发展做出我们的独特贡献.     

非传统安全共同体:一种跨国安全治理的新探索

随着大量复杂多变的非传统安全问题的出现,以"非军事性"为特征的"资源性"安全困境日益凸显,冲击着各国政府及跨国组织的现有安全政策和安全合作机制,传统安全共同体难以应对新的挑战。文章通过对安全共同体理论的反思,提出了建构"非传统安全共同体"的设想,对其特征、类型、动力、建构路径等进行探讨,并对多边主义进行了新的理论扩展。非传统安全共同体强调国家间面对共有威胁时的共同命运,提倡"类安全"意义上的联合与共享,是消解"资源性"安全困境的有效途径。"和合主义"以"优态共存""共享安全""安全共治"为核心范畴,是非传统安全共同体的价值前提,"多元多边合作"是建构非传统安全共同体的最佳方案。同时,积极参与全球、区域、次区域等各层次的非传统安全共同体建构,也是中国践行"命运共同体"理念的重要路径。     

The Realization of Gender Quotas in Post-collapse Iceland

Gender quotas have become a way to increase women’s participation in leading positions in economic life. Iceland enacted corporate gender quotas in 2013, requiring a minimum of 40% of each gender. These quotas were legalized after the financial collapse in 2008, which many blamed on male dominance of the economy. The focus of this paper is the timeframe of the turn to quotas, and the media discourse and parliamentary debate regarding men and women in corporate management. Van Dijk’s theoretical framework of critical discourse analysis was employed to examine data from the period 2009–2015. Firstly, we studied 150 articles in three online newspapers: Morgunblaðið, Vísir, and Viðskiptablaðið, written between 2009 and 2015. Secondly, we examined 132 parliamentary documents in which gender quotas were proposed and debated in 2009 and 2010. Three themes were highlighted: gender difference and opportunities during critical times; women and capability; and changed discourse. In order to shed light on the struggle for women’s influence, we examine how the debate manifested the Wollstonecraft dilemma. The results show a tension between gender-neutral arguments versus arguments about women’s alleged special traits and qualifications. Arguments emphasizing the importance of women’s special capabilities for the well-being of society and companies’ profitability were at the heart of the quota legislation, and as such proved successful. However, the findings also demonstrate the risk that female candidates are viewed as a signal of change in times of crisis. Hence, we claim that arguments matter; although women-centred arguments have contributed to gender balance within the Icelandic economy, they may also create barriers for women because they support patriarchal relations. Furthermore, the results indicate that societal difficulties call for drastic changes, and it seems as though a tailwind is needed for women to receive opportunities within the economic sector to push gender equality forward.     

从公共经济学角度看民营消防队困局及出路——以吉林省范家屯镇民营消防队为例

当前,民营消防队的存在适应了消防工作的需要,但对其性质和收费问题存在诸多争议。要解决这一难题,应从民营消防队为社会提供公共产品这一角度出发,政府采取相应举措支持和鼓励民营消防队,走政府 部分民营化的道路,从而体现政府的公共性和服务性。