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101.
党的十六大确立了全面建设小康社会的奋斗目标 ,要完成这一宏伟目标 ,关键在农村 ,重点和难点都在农村。没有发达的农业 ,没有繁荣的农村 ,没有殷实的农民 ,就没有全国人民的小康。建设农村小康的必由之路是 ,建设现代农业 ,积极推进城镇化进程 ,大力发展乡镇企业。 相似文献
102.
Ariadna Acevedo Rodrigo 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2004,23(2):181-197
This article identifies four different responses to educational policy in peasant villages. Acceptance, appropriation, resistance and opposition to schools are considered as forms of negotiating the educational contract. Peasants contributed to education through legal and customary practices. In return, they sought to influence the terms of schooling. However limited, such influence was possible because the Mexican state had scarce resources and depended on villagers' support. Taking into account the difficulties of peasants' subordinate position, their struggle over schooling is defined as a defence of autonomy rather than an exercise of citizenship. 相似文献
103.
Somchai Phatharathananunth 《当代亚洲杂志》2016,46(3):504-519
ABSTRACTThis article analyses the underlying economic, social and political processes that contributed to democratic progress in the rural areas of northeast Thailand. After the 2006 military coup villagers in the region played an important role in anti-coup activities and actively demanded for democratic rule. To defend democratic rule, villagers not only opposed military intervention but also challenged elites, who they considered had masterminded the coup. The coup was a landmark change in terms of the relationship between the highest authority in Thailand and the rural masses. According to the Thai hierarchical order, villagers are regarded as inferior who must obey the elite. Any action that does not conform to this rule is considered morally wrong and to be punished. Why did rural dwellers dare to engage openly in political action that defied the hierarchical order? To comprehend such actions the article examines structural changes in Thailand’s countryside that released villagers from traditional bonds and enabled them to engage in a new form of political mobilisation. It is argued that the emergence of a democratic movement in the rural northeast is a result of two important processes: rural socio-economic transformations and political democratisation. 相似文献
104.
Menghua Qiu 《美中公共管理》2013,(6):544-555
The purpose of this paper is to review previous studies on grassroots social organizations (GSOs) in rural China and provide a new framework for future research. This article uses the method of comparative analysis to review relevant research from the perspective of different disciplines and different theories, and adopts the method of inductive reasoning to analyze and draw conclusions. Previous researches can be divided into four categories according to their disciplines, and there are three theories frequently used to explain the development of rural GSOs in China. Obviously, plenty of valuable researches have been done, but examining a certain kind of GSOs in a single discipline and analyzing the cause of the development of GSOs with an isolated theory are two issues impeding further study on rural GSOs in China. By integrating three theories, a new and comprehensive research framework of "interest-identity-institution" is presented for future research on all kinds of GSOs. To improve and enrich this frame, a lot of empirical and specific researches need to be done in the future. 相似文献
105.
农民环境利益是分析农村和农业生态环境法律问题的理论工具。三种典型的农村环境问题对农民环境利益分别具有不同影响 ,而城市导向型的环境政策、环境与资源产权制度的缺失和信息不完全、不对称是产生农民环境利益问题的制度成因。应当引入利益—权利—救济机制 ,明晰农村环境与资源产权 ,并确立农民的程序性环境权利。 相似文献
106.
107.
军事民事司法管辖是指军事法院与非军事法院在受理民事案件上的权限分工。军事民事司法管辖权在法律规范上一直处于不明确的状态 ,最高人民法院授权军事法院审理部分民事案件后人们开始对此进行研究。拟对军事民事司法管辖的产生与发展、军事民事司法管辖的内容特点、军事民事司法管辖的合法性等问题作一尝试性探讨。 相似文献
108.
戴前宏 《安徽警官职业学院学报》2009,8(3):86-88
我国的农民市民化经历了一段曲折的历程,改革开放以后,我国农民市民化逐步走上了健康的发展道路。就我国目前情况来看,农民到市民的转变,要经过一系列的适应性变化过程:第一步是离开农村来到城市,在城市工作生活;第二步是取得城市的户籍,放弃农村的土地,正式定居城市,获得与市民的同等待遇和权利;第三步是真正的融入城市生活,完成了心理文化适应的转变过程,农民才能真正转变为市民。 相似文献
109.
该文认为,确定中国律师在公益行政许可听证程序中的法律地位,是律师参与公益行政许可听证工作的重点问题,这一问题既是重大的理论问题,又是立法及执法实践亟待解决的问题。 相似文献
110.
Robin Dunford 《Third world quarterly》2015,36(8):1453-1471
I argue that self-organisation cannot account for how grassroots struggles can pursue transnational political change. I develop an account of some ‘left arts of government’ through which resistance is facilitated and organised without reintroducing oppressive and hierarchical forms of rule. I do so by focusing on the practices of autonomous peasant mobilisations. Land occupation movements facilitate the ability of people to engage in ongoing resistance on their own behalf. They organise resistance through horizontal communication and through transnational networks involving representative structures. Finally, peasant mobilisations engage with states and international institutions to solidify gains made. 相似文献