以“三个代表”为指针 加强中心城区党建工作

加强中心城区党建工作必须以"三个代表”的思想为指针,紧密结合城区党建工作的实际情况,调查研究,总结经验,找出薄弱环节,查找深层次原因,切实解决存在的问题,探索并建立中心城区党建工作的新思路和新机制.     

从苏东变局看无产阶级执政党始终代表先进生产力的极端重要性

前苏东国家执政党长期背离解放和发展生产力的根本任务,导致经济发展滞后,人民生活水平提高缓慢,最终被人民所唾弃.江泽民同志总揽全局,在世纪之交提出了具有强烈针对性和时代感的“三个代表”思想,发展了马克思主义的建党学说,为中国共产党在新世纪应对各种风浪和挑战的考验提供了强大的思想武器.     

计算机网络与大学生思想政治工作

计算机网络是当今时代信息革命的重要标志,网络的发展给大学生思想政治工作创新带来了难得的发展机遇,也使传统的思想政治工作模式面临严峻挑战。借助计算机网络技术对大学生思想政治工作进行“嫁接”和改造,是新时期大学生思想政治工作新的途径和方法,网络思想政治工作也将成为新时期大学生思想政治工作的重要领域。符合大学生思想政治工作要求的信息网络建设和管理是网络思想政治工作的基础。一支高素质的思想政治工作队伍是网络思想政治工作的必然要求和组织保证。     

浅论邓小平对毛泽东文艺思想的丰富和发展

本文从文艺与人民、文艺与政治两大角度论述了邓小平的文艺理论 ,并探讨了邓小平对毛泽东文艺思想的丰富和发展     

孙子“择人而任劳”辨正

人们历来把《孙子兵法·势篇》最后一段“不责于人,故能择人,而任势”中的“人”释为“力战”或“兵众”、“指挥员”,把“择”释为“选择”,这是错误的。本文通过训释字义及考察孙子关于“众寡之用”的关系、兵员多寡优劣与力量强弱的关系,提出了“择人而任势”是指撇除兵员数量多寡这个因素去使用“势”的新观点。     

An alternative reading of religion and authoritarianism: the new logic between religion and state in the AKP’s New Turkey

ABSTRACT

Since roughly 2011, the Turkish state and the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) have been going through a process of mutual transformation. Some of the historical apprehensions, biases and frustrations exhibited by Turkey as a middle power have been absorbed by the relatively reformist AKP. Conversely, the AKP and its undisputed leader Erdo?an have seen their socio-political fears, power based conflicts and ethno-religious desires become dominant in all areas, including religion. As a consequence of this bilateral transformation, Turkey has become both an inclusionary and a hegemonic-authoritarian state, and at the same time a weak one. Within this new identity and structure of the state, Sunni Islam has become one of the regime’s key focal points, with a new logic. This article seeks to explain the transformation of the relations between the AKP’s Turkish state, religion and religious groups, by scrutinising Karrie Koesel’s logic of state-religion interaction in authoritarian regimes.     

The intersectionality of gender,sexuality, and religion: novelties and continuities in Turkey during the AKP era

ABSTRACT

This article argues that in the AKP era, gender and sexuality play a central role in reshaping the secular-religious divide to instil ‘yeni milli’ (new national) – or as AKP members call it, ‘yerli ve milli’ (homegrown and national)- values. Adopting a feminist and reflexive approach, this article seeks to demonstrate that Erdo?an and the AKP have used gender and sexuality-related issue areas not as diversions to highjack the public agenda, as it is often assumed, but as a medium to regulate the neoliberal redistribution of conservative values. After a brief presentation of the historical background of the gendered evolution of the secular-religious divide in Turkish politics, this article focuses on the following three particular cases: the policies and discourse on LGBTI rights; the link that was established between the reproductive rights of women and ethnic identity; and how the AKP created new types of ‘other men’ and ‘other women.’ The article also seeks to show that in each case the meanings attributed to the secular and the religious in the secular-religious divide have shifted accordingly and that shift was reflective of, and was used to instil the particular set of values supportive of particular political positions.     

Over the centuries: a history of Wollstonecraft reception

ABSTRACT

Both Wollstonecraft’s fame and infamy are attributable to her lived experience as the woman author of the only radical republican feminist text published in the pamphlet war of the 1790s. Yet, her radical republican politics were divorced from her gender politics in the early reception. This paper argues that this separation was subsequently sustained in part by interpretive practices that rest on the suppression of the original split. It shows that over the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, both outside and within academia, the dominant interpretive tendency of neglecting Wollstonecraft’s radical republican politics has deradicalized both her historical political thought and her iconic image. This conventional reception has both enabled and limited the resources made available through Wollstonecraft to feminists throughout history.     

三方协商机制的建立任重道远

劳动关系三方协商机制在我国尚处在初创阶段,如何提高其作用实效是当前实践中引人关注的焦点。围绕这一问题本文从五个方面进行了探讨,从中得出的基本结论是:三方协商机制从培育至臻于完善需要历经一个艰辛的探索进程。     

国际知识产权保护和我国面临的挑战

在全球化中知识产权保护不断强化、中央提出建设创新型国家的大背景下,我国的知识产权保护面临着挑战和机遇。基于对世界上主要国家、地区知识产权制度与相关国际条约及其对我国的影响之考察,对各国及国际的知识产权保护中值得借鉴之处的分析,我们应当做的是:一方面利用知识产权制度业已形成的高端保护推动国民在高新技术与文化产品领域搞创造与创作这个“流”,另一方面积极促成新的知识产权制度来保护我们目前可能处优势的传统知识及生物多样化这个“源”。这样,才更有利于加快我国向“知识经济”与和谐社会发展的进程。