The first initiatives

The Greek election of May 2012 failed to produce a government, resulting in repeat elections six weeks later. This shock outcome was a symptom of a broader delegitimation of the national political system. Over the past decade Eurobarometer data show a much more extensive loss of confidence in political institutions in Greece than in the European Union as a whole. In a first phase, rising political discontent was managed within the traditional political framework through alternation in power between the two major parties. In contrast, the second phase, following the outbreak of the Greek sovereign debt crisis, led to the dramatic fragmentation of the party system and changed the mode of government formation. This process is not reversible and entails serious democratic dangers.     

政府信息公开救济制度研究

政府信息公开制度的构建意在保障公民知情权,建设服务型政府。救济制度不仅是政府信息公开制度实施的保障,而且是政府信息公开法律体系中不可缺少的一部分。本文主要从研究政府信息公开救济制度的理论基础入手,针对我国目前政府信息公开救济制度的现状,借鉴国外政府信息公开救济制度,提出了构建和完善我国政府信息公开法律救济制度的立法建议。     

美国各州监听立法研究

美国有联邦监听法律法规,但各州也根据自己的立法权制定了一些本州的监听法。宪法虽然为美国人权、隐私权提供了有效的保护伞,但自9.11以后,《美国爱国者法案》赋予了美国总统特权,监听扩权问题甚嚣尘上。但联邦层面上对监听问题的监督相对完善,对此的介绍也频见报端,但对各州监听立法的研究却鲜有所见。文章比较详尽地介绍了美国各州的监听立法情况,披露了各州监听立法的内容、执法程序、监督机制等等都不尽如人意,权力监督不力、滥用情况比较普遍,以资我国监听立法借鉴。     

Shifting borders: Islamophobia as common ground for building pan-European right-wing unity

ABSTRACT

In recent years, Islamophobia has become a useful tool for right-wing parties to mobilize electors in many European nation-states. The general xenophobic campaigns of the 1980s have given way to Islamophobia as a specific expression of racism. It is not only the new incarnations of right-wing populist parties that are making use of Islamophobic populism, but also right-wing extremist parties, whose traditions hark back to fascist or Nazi parties. This development appears unsurprising, as Islamophobia has somehow become a kind of ‘accepted racism’, found not only on the margins of European societies but also at the centre. Another interesting concomitant shift is the attempt by such parties to gain wider acceptance in mainstream societies by distancing themselves from a former antisemitic profile. While the main focus on an exclusive identity politics in the frame of nation-states previously divided the far right and complicated transnational cooperation, a shared Islamophobia has the potential to be a common ground for strengthening the transnational links of right-wing parties. This shift from antisemitism to Islamophobia goes beyond European borders and enables Europe's far right to connect to Israeli parties and the far right in the United States. Hafez's article explores this thesis by analysing the European Alliance for Freedom, a pan-European alliance of far-right members of the European parliament that has brought various formerly antagonistic parties together through a common anti-Muslim programme, and is trying to become a formal European parliamentary fraction in the wake of its victory in the European elections in May 2014.     

Britain First: The ‘Frontline Resistance’ to the Islamification of Britain

The British National Party and English Defence League forged new frontiers in British political spaces in relation to anti‐Islam, anti‐Muslim ideologies. Whereas the former sought to do so in formal political arenas, the latter did so as a street‐level movement. With the subsequent waning of both, Britain First has emerged seemingly to fill the political void they left. In many ways, Britain First combines the strategies and actions of the parties that preceded it, at both the formal and street levels. This article considers what is known about Britain First, about its history, development and its ideology, and how this is manifested in terms of its political strategies and actions. This includes such activities as standing for European elections and also undertaking ‘Christian patrols’ and mosque ‘invasions’. The article considers how Britain First, while having some similarities with the BNP and EDL, is more confrontational and militaristic and is informed by apocalyptic Christianity.     

论劳动者的团结权与工会体制改革

由于历史和现实的原因,造成了我国工会组织的行政化、工作内容的娱乐化、工会立场的中间性、代表权利来源和责任机制的虚无化等一系列问题,导致工会的维权作用受到很大削弱。我国工会的发展道路,应是在坚持党的政治领导和社会主义方向的前提下朝着社会化的方向发展。要通过深化改革强化工会的代表性和相对独立性,通过完善法律将维护会员的合法权益作为工会的首要职能,从而加强工会的责任意识。只有这样,才能适应我国当前经济转型、体制转轨时期劳动纠纷多发、群体性事件增多,必须创新社会管理、建立稳定和谐的劳动关系的迫切需要。     

物业费纠纷中服务不到位抗辩的司法认定

当前物业费纠纷的司法实践中,鲜有被告业主获判减付物业费继而胜诉的判例。然而,在这种“一边倒”的现象背后,物业企业确实存在着不同程度的服务不到位问题。通过研究现行的物业相关法律依据,结合发达地区的司法实践先例,可以发现被告业主完全可以通过行使同时履行抗辩权达到减付物业费的目的,而法院应当本着对业主负责同时督促物业企业改善服务的宗旨,针对物业企业部分义务未履行或履行存在瑕疵,导致相应服务目的无法实现的情形,作出相适应的减付物业费的判决。     

从陕北煤矿生产现实状况看矿业权流转改革

矿业权流转制度的提出,在矿产资源市场化道路上迈出了一大步,但是我国矿产资源法对矿业权流转的相关规定依然存在一定局限性。适应我国市场经济体制改革的不断深化,充分发挥市场在资源配置方面的决定性作用,有必要进一步完善矿业权流转制度。矿业权流转市场体系的构建包括一级出让市场和二级转让市场。完善矿业权流转制度需要重视矿业权流转配套法规与技术性标准建设。     

填海造地的物权分析

由于我国填海造地制度特别是相关权利制度的缺失,我国填海造地出现了诸多问题,需要溯本清源.在明确填海造地的权利基础、填海造地的类型与性质、填海造地涉及的主要物权权利的基础上,对各种权利之间的转换与承接以及权利转换与承接中的利益分配做出合理的制度安排.     

平等权初探

在平等理论的视角下,人类社会是沿着由平等发展为不平等,再由不平等过渡到平等的轨迹发展的。不平等是社会常态,平等可分为形式平等与实质平等。平等权是实现其他权利的基础。平等权的确立,需要加强宪政建设。