略论我国地役权立法

地役权与相邻权两者有着本质区别。我国地役权立法应在地役权的名称、主体、空间地役权、限制、设定原则、登记等问题上作出明确的规定。     

对台湾公投制宪的若干思考

本文从公民自决和民族自决的角度,对台独势力分裂祖国和民族的行径进行了批判。     

厦泉漳城市联盟发展的意义及取向探析

深化闽台经济合作、充分发挥对台优势是海峡西岸经济区建设的重要依托,其关键是实施城市联盟发展战略,打造海峡西岸“区域经济集群”发展优势。厦泉漳城市联盟有利于提升海峡西岸经济区的综合竞争力,从而增强海峡西岸经济区承接海峡东岸经济辐射、“承‘珠’接‘长’、连接中部”、对抗区域经济边缘化的能力,因而,应大力加以推动。本文仅就厦泉漳城市联盟对于海峡西岸经济区建设的意义和发展取向加以探讨。     

论儿童证人

由于儿童具有特殊的生理和心理,对于其作证资格,历来有许多争议。但儿童证人资格属于证明能力问题,而儿童证言可信性则属证明力的问题。由于儿童各方面发育还未完全成熟、稳定,在儿童作证时,有必要采取适当的保护措施,以减轻儿童作证的压力,且可保障儿童证言的质量。     

试论刑事附带民事诉讼判决的既判力

我国《刑事诉讼法》在刑事附带民事诉讼的具体制度设计上存在诸多不合理之处。无论在立法还是司法实践中,对刑事判决和民事判决之间的冲突如何协调,均存在一定模糊性。应从挽回损失、补偿受害人的角度实行民刑分立,同时启动程序分别进行审判,更好地保护被害人的合法权益。     

我国相对不起诉的性质与适用

相对不起诉是指检察机关对犯罪情节轻微,依照刑法不需要判处刑罚或者免除刑罚的犯罪嫌疑人,依法作出不起诉决定。相对不起诉既是检察机关的权力,也是义务。我国的相对不起诉属于有罪认定,但只是控方为提前终止刑事诉讼的便宜行事,不具有终局裁判性质。相对不起诉在实践中适用比例偏低,是同我国现行司法体制直接相关的。     

Spinning Europe: Pro-European Union Propaganda Campaigns in Britain, 1962–1975

The impact of pro-European Union (EU) propaganda campaigns in Britain has been neglected within EU studies and in the recent work on the Europeanisation of political parties, trade unions and the British state. Bringing together the few sources of information that exist, this article documents the three government-organised pro-EU propaganda campaigns of the 1960s and 1970s. It specifically discusses the campaigns in 1962—63 to bolster public support following Britain's first application to join the EU, in 1970—71 to prepare the public for accession, and in 1974—75 to ensure continued membership in the 1975 Referendum.     

党务公开：发展党内民主的理论和制度创新

党的十六届四中全会《决定》首次明确提出逐步推进党务公开,这是党的执政理念的新突破和提高党的执政能力的新举措。党务公开是发展党内民主的内在要求,贯穿于党内民主建设的各个方面和环节。推进党务公开,进一步扩大了党员和群众对党内事务的知情权、参与权、选择权和监督权,成为新时期发展党内民主的理论和制度创新。     

华人新移民研究

华人新移民包括自20世纪50年代以来的中国大陆移民、台港澳移民和东南亚华人二次移民.本文拟探讨华人新移民的分布、特点、新移民内部以及新、老移民之间的关系.笔者认为国际移民是经济全球化的一个重要因素,在地区间经济发展不平衡的情况下,跨国移民将不断增加.华人新移民是国际移民的一个重要组成部分,她改变了海外华人分布的格局,赋于海外华人新的特点,并为移居国和祖籍国的经济、社会和文化的发展作出了巨大的贡献.     

Stamped out!: Carto-philatelic evidence of the PRC’s constructed notion of China’s territorial integrity

Carto-philatelic imagery illustrates that the “mental map” of China underlying territorial policies of the People's Republic of China is constructed, contingent, and impermanent. Although it has claimed Taiwan by asserting primordial sovereignty, declaring the island to have been part of China “since ancient times,” the ruling Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has not always viewed the island as part of China. Although it recognized the independence of Mongolia in 1950, before it came to power as the government of the state the CCP envisioned Mongolia as part of China. Postage stamps issued in territories governed by the CCP before 1949 juxtaposed to stamps issued by the Republic of China government affirm what documents suggest: that China's boundaries have not been immutable and have been highly contested by Chinese political elite. This should prompt readers to view with skepticism categorical claims about China's sovereignty and “territorial integrity.”