Becoming flesh: refugee hunger strike and embodiments of refusal in German necropolitical spaces

The securitization of the EU’s external borders and repressive asylum policies biopolitically control and discipline the bodies of refugees. In Germany, these developments hark back to a longer colonial history of racialization that the state collectively disavows. To approach this continuity of racialized citizenship, I will analyse a series of hunger strikes that were staged by refugees from 2012 till 2014 in Germany. By asking which possibilities lie in staging the hunger strike, I will argue that Germany’s necropolitical geography of detention, asylum, and deportation marks the racialized refugees’ bodies as disposable within the logics of citizenship. I propose that hunger strike is a form of becoming flesh, which makes visible how racialized violence is enacted on the refugees’ bodies. Becoming flesh articulates a politics of refusal that subverts the logics of recognition, empathy and suffering liberal rights discourses rely on and, instead, performs an embrace of the refugees’ abjection.     

认罪认罚后被告人反悔问题研究

对被告人认罪认罚后反悔的处理,是认罪认罚从宽制度适用过程中必然会遇到的问题。文章从认罪认罚后被告人反悔的特征入手,从无正当理由上诉、检察机关抗诉监督职能发挥等方面对认罪认罚后被告人反悔存在的问题进行研究,最后提出认罪认罚后被告人反悔问题的完善路径,确保认罪认罚从宽制度实现设立之初的制度价值。     

National protest agenda and the dimensionality of party politics: Evidence from four East-Central European democracies

Contemporary democracies show considerable differences in the issue composition of their protest politics, which tends to remain relatively stable over time. In countries like Germany or the Czech Republic, the vast majority of protests have been mobilised around sociocultural issues, such as human rights, peace, nuclear power or the environment, and only a tiny portion of protest has focused on economic issues. At the opposite extreme, protest in France or Poland usually has a strongly economic character and voices demands relating to material redistribution and social policy. What lies behind the cross-country differences in national protest agendas? In this article, the national protest agenda depends on what issues mainstream political parties are contesting: the content and strength of the master-issue dimension. In reference to the literature on the multidimensional political space and niche political parties, one should expect that there is a substitutive effect; where the stronger a specific master-issue dimension is in party politics, the less salient that issue dimension is in protest politics. This substitutive effect results from the tendency of electoral politics to reduce political conflict to a single-dimension equilibrium, which decreases the importance of other issues and relegates the contest over secondary, niche issues to the realm of policy-seeking strategies, with protest being a common type of this political strategy. In party systems where single-dimension equilibrium does not exist and the master-issue dimension is weaker, the same dynamics result in a more convergent relationship between party and protest politics and a greater similarity between the protest- and party-system agendas. To investigate this theory, the national protest agendas in four countries are examined. The Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia show four combinations of two crucial factors that are not available in the old Western democracies: the content and the strength of the master-issue dimension. The study draws on an original dataset of protest events organised in the four countries between 1993 and 2010, and on qualitative and quantitative data on issue dimensions of party politics obtained from studies on party politics and expert surveys. The results show that in the Czech Republic, where the master-issue dimension has remained strongly economic, protest has been predominantly sociocultural. In Poland between 1993 and 2001 and Hungary between 1993 and 2006, the master-issue dimensions are strongly sociocultural, while protest is predominantly economic. There is no single-dimension equilibrium in party politics in Slovakia or in post-2001 Poland and mainstream parties compete on both economic and sociocultural issues. Consequently, the substitutive dynamics between party and protest politics is weaker and the issue agendas in party and protest arenas are here more alike.     

At the Roots of Labour Activism: Chinese and Cambodian Garment Workers in Comparative Perspective

ABSTRACT

In China extensive, co-ordinated strikes such as those that have taken place in Cambodia in recent years remain rare, with most protests initiated by Chinese workers contained inside single factories or industrial zones. Also, while Cambodian workers often mobilise for their interests and broader policy issues, such as the determination of the minimum wage, Chinese workers largely limit themselves to protests against violations of their legal rights. How can these different patterns of labour activism be explained? Through factory gate surveys and interviews conducted during the summer of 2016 in a sample of Hong Kong-owned garment factories in Dongguan and Phnom Penh, this study provides a comparative analysis of the root causes of labour activism in China and Cambodia. In particular, the article focuses on three elements that play an important role in determining labour activism: the expectations of the workers regarding wages; the workers’ perception of the labour law and the legal system; and trade union pluralism.     

论监督型民事抗诉制度的回归及路线

我国民事抗诉制度始终身处救济型的定位,既有悖于检察机关的法律监督者身份,也使抗诉的现实功用一路下滑,终至角色尴尬、权能虚化的境地。为从根本上逆转这一颓势,改革应以监督型抗诉替代救济型抗诉为基本方向,实施策略则是在纯粹的法律监督导向下重塑抗诉制度。如此,抗诉的事由首先将被限于程序违法和国家利益、社会公共利益受损;其后,检察机关理当自主地行使监督权,拥有独立提起抗诉和迳行启动再审审理的能力和权力;最后,检察机关的参与造成了再审审理的对象及主体结构上的特殊,有必要另设与之相宜的独立抗诉再审程序。     

从“阿拉伯之春”到“占领”运动——全球抗议周期中的框架转型及其效果

2010年年底以来发生在西亚北非的"阿拉伯之春"以及以美国"占领华尔街"运动为代表的系列"占领"运动,被国内外学术界视为构成新一轮全球抗议周期的组成部分。作者从社会运动理论有关主框架和抗议周期之间的关系出发,考察了"阿拉伯之春"和系列"占领"运动之间的联系与异同。"阿拉伯之春"中一个具有创新性的"变革"主框架的出现,构成此轮抗议周期兴起并具备强大动员能力的重要原因;而当系列"占领"运动在借鉴"阿拉伯之春"的话语和象征体系的基础上提出了一种"占领"主框架时,抗议周期在主框架上经历了从"变革"到"占领"的转型过程。然而,与"变革"主框架相比,"占领"主框架在经验的可信度、经历的可测量度和观念的重要性上存在明显不足,这是系列"占领"运动的动员能力无法与"阿拉伯之春"相比的重要原因。鉴于从"阿拉伯之春"到系列"占领"运动之间的意义和象征体系的转型并不成功,大致可以预料,除非新的社会运动对话语体系进行创造性的改造,否则,这一波全球抗议周期将趋于式微。     

内地民事抗诉制度与香港司法制度的区际冲突

香港回归前后,内地民事抗诉制度开始进入香港司法界的视野。由于香港普通法强调判决的终局性,民事抗诉制度(以及整个审判监督制度)曾经影响到内地民事判决在香港的承认与执行。然而,随着内地与香港在司法制度上的交流与互动,香港司法界时民事抗诉制度的认识开始产生新的思维。2006年7月,内地与香港签署了相关文件,表明到目前为止,抗诉制度并没有成为两地相互认可和执行民事判决的障碍。但将来的发展,还有待于进一步现察。     

刑事抗诉制度的立法完善

多年的刑事抗诉司法实践以无可争辩的事实,证明了其在保障司法公正等方面具有不可替代的作用,但是现有刑事抗诉制度也存在提起条件不明确、履行抗诉的程序不完善以及对被害人权益保护功能发挥不足等一系列问题。这些问题的存在已经严重制约了刑事抗诉职权的履行;因此,必须进一步细化刑事抗诉提起的标准,分别按照二审程序抗诉和审判监督程序抗诉的不同特点完善刑事抗诉程序,切实保障刑事被害人的抗诉请求权,增强抗诉请求对检察机关的制约效力,以充分保障其合法权益。     

民事抗诉制度公权与私权的冲突及平衡

民事抗诉制度可能影响申诉人或被申诉人的权益,但并非对私权的不当干预。对申诉人或被申诉人权益的影响,可以通过平衡民事抗诉中公权与私权的关系,既要依法适当行使民事抗诉权,追求维护司法公正的价值目标,又要注重维护当事人的权利,努力寻求二者之间的最佳平衡点,实现二者的和谐统一。     

刑事诉讼中推定的适用

推定是根据经验法则或法律规定,由已经过证明的基础事实直接推出另一事实存在的替代证明制度。它导致证明责任的减轻,在刑事诉讼中应当慎重使用。以比较方法对推定的概念进行了分析,并系统说明了推定的理论基础、适用条件、救济等基本问题。