Regime type versus patronal politics: a comparison of “ardent democrats” in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan

Kazakhstan is home to the longest serving ruler in post-Soviet Eurasia while Kyrgyzstan is among the region’s most competitive polities. Do these regime differences correspond to divergence in political attitudes, as an extensive body of literature posits? Are Kyrgyzstanis more likely to strongly support democratic ideals? Are Kazakhstanis less likely? Contrary to expectations, data reveal the two populations to be attitudinally indistinguishable when it comes to strong support for practices associated with democracy. Whatever country differences we find are minor or statistically insignificant. We explain this convergence by shifting focus away from the political features that distinguish the two nascent democracy versus consolidated authoritarianism to those that they hold in common. Notwithstanding major constitutional reform in Kyrgyzstan in 2010, politics there, as in Kazakhstan, remains fundamentally patronal, or patronage- based. Mass attitudes, we argue, align in many ways with the countries’ shared patronal politics, rather than with their contrasting regime types.     

Gateway to Opportunity? Disparities in Neighborhood Conditions Among Low-Income Housing Tax Credit Residents

A key goal of housing assistance programs is to help lower income households reach neighborhoods of opportunity. Studies have described the degree to which Low-Income Housing Tax Credit (LIHTC) developments are located in high-opportunity neighborhoods, but our focus is on how neighborhood outcomes vary across different subsets of LIHTC residents. We also examine whether LIHTC households are better able to reach certain types of neighborhood opportunities. Specifically, we use new data on LIHTC tenants in 12 states along with eight measures of neighborhood opportunity. We find that compared with other rental units, LIHTC units are located in neighborhoods with higher poverty rates, weaker labor markets, more polluted environments, and lower performing schools, but better transit access. We also find that compared with other LIHTC tenants, poor and minority tenants live in neighborhoods that are significantly more disadvantaged.     

What abolishing the family would not do

Abstract

Because families disrupt fair patterns of distribution and, in particular, equality of opportunity, egalitarians believe that the institution of the family needs to be defended at the bar of justice. In their recent book, Harry Brighouse and Adam Swift have argued that the moral gains of preserving the family outweigh its moral costs. Yet, I claim that the egalitarian case for abolishing the family has been over-stated due to a failure to consider how alternatives to the family would also disturb fair distributions and, in particular, equality of opportunity. Absent the family, children would continue to be exposed to care-givers of different levels of ability, investment in childrearing and beneficial partiality. In addition, social mechanisms other than the family would lead to the accumulation of economic inequalities. Any kind of upbringing will fail to realise equality for reasons that go deeper than the family: our partiality and unequal abilities to nurture.     

State Capacity,Regime Type,and Sustaining the Peace after Civil War

About half of the nations that experience civil war eventually relapse into renewed conflict within a few years after the original war ends. This observation has motivated a stream of research into the factors that affect the risk of peace failure in the aftermath of civil war. While the outcome of the previous civil war—for example, military victory versus peace agreement—structures the post-war environment in ways that affect the risk of peace failure, the capacity of the post-war state to enact and implement policies that affect the incentives for and capacity of groups to undertake armed violence as a means of advancing their interests should also affect the risks of peace failure. Using Geddes’ categories of nondemocratic regime types, we will present a theory of how different regime types have varying capacities to repress and/or implement accommodative policies that affect the risk of peace failure. We test propositions derived from this theory with a series of event history models. Our findings suggest that while peace agreements significantly increase the duration of post-civil war peace, peace agreements involving some types of nondemocratic regimes actually increase the risk of post-civil war peace failure.     

我国跨境,跨国犯罪的类型

跨境、跨国犯罪在我国主要有 :毒品犯罪、走私犯罪、贩卖人口、诈骗犯罪、偷越国边境犯罪、劫持航空的犯罪、黑社会势力暴力犯罪、计算机犯罪、海盗等。     

信息权利——一种权利类型分析

二十世纪 6 0年代以来 ,以蓬勃发展的信息技术为先导 ,人类开始步入信息社会。信息问题成为最具时代魅力和理论潜能的前沿领域 ,进而成为法学研究所关注的对象。信息是信息社会中极为重要的资源形式和社会的构成性元素。作为法律概念的信息是满足特定条件的符号系。信息权利是一个以信息为客体的法律权利束 ,作为一个权利类型具有解释性和制度性的双重功能优势     

中国特色社会主义的再认识——从“五种社会形态说”的突破与创新谈起

"五种社会形态说"把马克思的相关论述不当地扩大了适用范围和理论外延,并作为理论公式被机械地套用。这样不仅无法解释大量历史现象,而且也造成了理论上的混乱。文明类型学说是对它的突破和创新:扩展了考察视野,转换了理论视角,变"单线发展"为"多线互动",纠正了传统社会发展理论机械论的倾向,使马克思主义关于社会形态和社会发展的理论更加符合实际,更加具有解释力。文明类型学说对于认识世界社会主义运动实践、特别是中国特色社会主义具有重要的理论意义。     

打击网络犯罪 构建和谐社会

文章围绕和谐社会建设中打击网络犯罪这一主题,具体列举了当前网络犯罪的各种类型,分析了现实生活中网络犯罪所呈现的特点,前瞻性地提出了网络的发展动向,并深刻揭示了目前全球打击网络犯罪所面临的各种问题和世界各国在这方面所采取的战略对策,为打击网络犯罪提供了全面而清晰的思路。     

论职业教育的非学校形态

职业教育的形态是职业教育在一定条件下的表现形式。职业教育的非学校形态主要有学徒制形态和各类职业培训形态。学徒制是一种永远不会消亡的职业教育形态,职业培训形态源于学徒制,职业培训是职业学校不可替代的,应给予应有的重视。探讨职业教育各种非学校形态的发展过程、管理模式和培养目标以及它们相互之间的关系,对职业教育适应时代需要,培养合格人才具有重要意义。     

人口集中与新型农村人居方式创建——宁夏新农村建设的一个视角

现阶段进行的新农村建设是中国工业化、城市化和现代化的有机组成部分,应坚持以人为本,树立“经济发展的目的是人的幸福而非地理空间普遍繁荣”的理念,遵循“按照可持续扩大盈利空间的要求提供生产要素”的规律,来调整现有的农村格局,即实行农村人口和部分经济活动的相对集中。宁夏农村特别是川区农村有实行这一措施的可行性条件。