The GMO food arena in the EU (1998–2001)

A highly politicised arena in the EU has been caused by the 1998 Commission legislative proposal with regard to genetically modified organisms (GMOs). The debate over different interests became more intense. During the EU decision‐making process concerning GMOs, two larger coalitions cutting across institutions and countries waged the fight: one was led by industry and was in favour of GMOs and the other was against and mainly rooted in nongovernmental lobby groups. In mid‐2001, the ‘anti’ movement had gained a (temporary) winning position. In an attempt to explain this, it was concluded that the industrial lobby has been nonchalant in its preparatory work for public affairs management, by not carefully studying the various stakeholders, issues, time developments and the boundaries of this arena. With the benefit of hindsight it can be seen that the industrial lobby itself has missed opportunities and made unforced errors. Copyright © 2003 Henry Stewart Publications     

RACIAL–ETHNIC INTOLERANCE AND SUPPORT FOR CAPITAL PUNISHMENT: A CROSS-NATIONAL COMPARISON*

This article tests cross-nationally the minority group threat thesis that public sentiments toward repressive crime-control policies reflect conflicted racial and ethnic relations. Using multiple data sets representing France, Belgium, the Netherlands, East and West Germany, Italy, Luxembourg, Denmark, Great Britain, Greece, Spain, Finland, Sweden, Austria, Canada, Ireland, and Portugal, we examine whether racial and ethnic intolerance—animus, resentments, or negative sentiments toward minorities—predicts greater support for the death penalty. Our results reveal that the respondents were significantly more likely to express support for capital punishment if they were racially or ethnically intolerant while controlling for other covariates of public opinion. These findings indicate that the link between support for capital punishment and racial and ethnic animus may occur universally in countries with conflicted racial and ethnic relations.     

公共政策制定之法治变革——从北京出租车换型事件谈起

北京出租车换型事件所引起的思考不仅仅是行政上的,更是法律上的。制定公共政策尽管在传统上被认为属于行政管理学的范畴,其作为一种科学活动不应与法律发生联系。但是,法治化的进程不可避免的影响到这一行政管理的传统领地,公共政策制定的法治化是公共政策行为发展的大方向和新动力。     

论治安行政听证制度的基本原则

行政听证制度是我国立法引进的一项新制度,是行政程序法的核心内容。公安机关在进行治安行政听证工作中,应当认真借鉴国外相关的立法,健全和完善公开原则、言词原则、职能分离原则、事先告知原则、记录排他性原则。     

坚持和完善社会主义初级阶段的基本经济制度

坚持和完善社会主义初级阶段的基本经济制度 ,必须做到两个“毫不动摇” :一是毫不动摇地巩固和发展公有制经济 ;二是毫不动摇地鼓励、支持和引导非公有制经济发展     

新闻报道中隐私权的限制

新闻报道中当事人的隐私权的保护与新闻自由常发生冲突,隐私权的保护在特定情形下应当受到限制—新闻报道关涉公共利益及存在新闻价值时。在涉及到新闻报道的公共利益时,应当根据被报道对象的不同身份来决定隐私权受限制的程度和范围。在新闻报道关涉新闻价值时,必须严格界定新闻价值的含义。     

当前阻碍人民警察执行职务的现状、成因及对策——对辽宁省沈阳、鞍山和辽阳市阻碍警察执法情况的调研报告

本调研报告是在对辽宁省沈阳市公安局和平分局、鞍山市公安局铁东分局及辽阳市公安局白塔分局实地考察的基础上形成的。文章反映了三地阻碍警察执行职务行为的现状和特点,分析了阻碍警察执行职务行为的发生原因和警察权利屡受侵害的原因,并提出解决这一问题的建议。     

自生自发理论的价值和限度

哈耶克的自生自发秩序理论已经得到了国内学界的广泛关注,甚至也引起了热烈的讨论.然而,如果冷观这种研究热就会发现,国内已有研究梳理性、介绍性的偏多,而反思性、批判性的研究却偏少.虽然,对经典理论的梳理和介绍当是必不可少的理论步骤,但之后的批评性研究--即便不说更重要,至少--也同样重要:总起说来,自生自发秩序理论的贡献在于用一种独特的知识论重新论证了宪政以及自由的必要性;而其限度则在于它过于理想类型化,并且有将秩序置于"人"之上的嫌疑或倾向.     

论新世纪新阶段治安行政执法的改革

新世纪新阶段,我国的治安行政执法面临着一些新的情况和新的问题,我们应当改变治安民警的传统观念,转变治安民警执法角色,改革治安行政许可,完善治安法制建设,规划治安行政执法的运行机制.     

同性婚姻与我国区际私法中的公共秩序保留

目前国际社会中同性同居者争取合法地位的运动已经在一些国家或地区取得成功.各国面临是否承认外国或外法域同性同居关系的局面.随着我国对外开放的深入,我国法院将来也会面临这些问题.如果一概拒绝承认基于外法域法律成立的同性同居关系,可能不利于保护依附该关系而成立的其他民事法律关系,因此,应当区分不同情况.区际私法中尤其需要慎用公共秩序保留制度,当同性同居关系仅仅是作为其他问题的先决问题时,我国大陆法院可考虑适当承认该关系的有效性.