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851.
This paper reviews the role of internal European Union (EU) policies and measures in implementing the target for greenhouse gas mitigation in the Kyoto Protocol. It starts with a discussion of the EU Burden Sharing Agreement, which distributes the target between Member States. This leads to a review of the appropriate level of implementation of policies, i.e. at the EU level or Member State level. There is a role for the flexible mechanisms of the Protocol, particularly emission permit trading, in complementing Member State policies at the EU level. The implementation is to be done against the background of three major factors which may have an important bearing on the policies: the probable long-term requirement of substantial reductions in greenhouse gas emissions a changing structure of energy markets, following liberalisation of the gas and electricity markets EU enlargement to include economies in transition with the potential for further substantial reductions in emissions.The paper concludes with a discussion of ancillary benefits of the policies that may be substantial and a summary of the position as regards the "unfinished business" of the Protocol to be discussed at the Conference of the Parties in the Hague in November 2000.  相似文献   
852.
Initially Norwegian climate policy was very ambitious and Norway stood forth as a pusher on the international scene. Over time Norwegian policy has become more sober, stressing the need for differentiated commitments and flexible implementation. In contrast to the initial enthusiastic phase, climate change policy has been increasingly seen in pragmatic economic terms. Still, Norway is no laggard, as it has shown more willingness to pay for abatement measures than many other countries.  相似文献   
853.
We suggest a multi-layered system of three convergence criteria – similar to those used in the run-up to the European monetary union – that define the notion of "demonstrable progress" towards reaching the emission commitments under the Kyoto Protocol. These are the existence of an independently evaluated national emissions inventory, the level of domestic policies and measures, and the quantitative convergence of emissions towards the Kyoto target. While the first of these criteria constitutes a necessary condition for use of the Kyoto Mechanisms, the other two should determine the degree of participation allowed for any given Annex I country.  相似文献   
854.
Over the last two decades in the United States, mainstream environmental organizations have reduced, rather than increased, democratic participation by citizens in environmental problem-solving. The environmental justice movement, on the other hand, has served to enlarge the constituency of the environmental movement by incorporating poorer communities and oppressed people of color into environmental decision making process; build community capacity by developing campaigns and projects that address the common links between various social and environmental problems; and facilitate community empowerment by emphasizing grassroots organizing over advocacy. This paper outlines the different components in the environmental justice movement. It is our contention that if researchers and policymakers continue to conceive of the ecological crisis as a collection of unrelated problems, then it is possible that some combination of regulations, incentives, and technical innovations can keep pollution and resource destruction at tolerable levels for more affluent socioeconomic populations. However, poor working class communities and people of color which lack the political–economic resources to defend themselves will continue to suffer the worst abuses. However, if the interdependency of issues is emphasized as advocated by the environmental justice movement, then a transformative environmental politics can be invented.  相似文献   
855.
中国共产党三代中央领导集体的对台政策是解决台湾问题,完成祖国统一大业的理论指南。从20世纪50年代中期“和平解放台湾”政策的制定,到80年代以来“和平统一、一国两制”方针的形成,再到90年代中期八项对台主张的提出,体现了三代中央领导集体以国家和民族利益为重的宽阔胸襟,是中国共产党人在祖国统一问题上顺应历史和时代潮流的明智选择,其中蕴含了三代中央领导集体高度的政治智慧。  相似文献   
856.
略论清代前期西北边疆的"因俗而治"政策   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
清代前期在西北边疆地区所实行的"因俗而治"政策,实际上是根据少数民族的历史传统、社会情况、风俗习惯等所制定的、目的在于加强对西北边疆民族地区的有效管理,实现西北边疆地区社会稳定的治边政策.  相似文献   
857.
Scheb  John M.  Lyons  William 《Political Behavior》2001,23(2):181-194
This article examines the mass public's perceptions of the factors that actually influence Supreme Court decisions as well those that ought to influence such decisions. We expect significant discrepancies between what the public believes ought to be the case and what it perceives to actually be the case with regard to Supreme Court decision making and that these discrepancies have a significant negative impact on the public's assessment of the Court. More specifically, we hypothesize that the public believes that political factors have more influence on the Court than ought to be the case and that the public perceives traditional legal factors to be less influential than they should be. We find that the expected discrepancies do exist and significantly detract from popular regard for the Court.  相似文献   
858.
中国青年政策执行过程中"理想化的政策"、"执行机构"、"目标群体"和"政策环境"四个方面存在着互动关系,而造成青年政策执行现状的本质原因是利益互动,要改善青年政策的系统环境,最根本的是要从利益的角度分析,在四个方面分别采取对策.  相似文献   
859.
当前公安机关执法活动中存在不少问题,可称之为执法"黑洞".主要有四类表现执法程序上的随意性;执法手段上的违法性;执法裁定上的主观性;执法形象上的趋劣性.究其原因不外乎四种因素传统观念的影响;外界压力的左右;激励约束的缺失以及整体素质的不均衡.执法"黑洞"的存在,严重影响公安机关乃至党和政府的形象,制约了公安机关职能的充分发挥,必须采取过硬措施予以遏制.  相似文献   
860.
贯穿江泽民同志"七一"重要讲话全篇核心主题是"三个代表"重要思想,其每一方面都同公安工作紧密相联,它既是公安工作必须坚持的总的指导思想、工作目标和要求,也是检验和衡量各项工作成败得失的标准.实践"三个代表"重要思想,必须同公安工作实际相结合,按"三个代表"的要求,调整工作思想,从改进和加强公安行政管理;充分发挥职能作用;增强公安工作的针对性和实效性;锐意创新,永葆公安工作的生机和活力;建设一支为党掌权、为民执法,具有较高整体素质和坚强战斗力的公安队伍几方面认真落实.只有将"三个代表"的重要思想落实到公安工作的各个方面、各个环节,才能使公安工作沿着正确的政治方向前进,适应新形势,迎接新挑战,完成新任务.  相似文献   
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