公诉案件被害人当事人制度研究——以德国附带诉讼制度为参考

我国《刑事诉讼法》将被害人确立为公诉案件当事人,被害人与人民检察院作为“共同原告”履行控诉职能,这在理论和实践中都暴露出许多问题。德国附带诉讼制度允许被害人作为附带诉讼的原告人而非公诉案件本身的当事人参加公诉,具有合理性。借鉴德国的做法,我国应增设刑事第三人制度,让被害人作为刑事第三人参加诉讼,并赋予其相应的诉讼权利,从而有效解决被害人在公诉案件中参诉问题。     

论农村社会保障法律制度构建中的政府责任——基于社会法视阈

农村社会保障法律关系错综复杂,政府、社会及农民在农村社会保障中既有相应的权力(利),也要履行一定的义务。行政法、经济法和社会法各自具有独特的法律价值和调整对象,本文分别基于这三个法域检视农村社会保障法律制度构建中的政府责任,考察农村社会保障法律制度构建中政府责任的越位和缺位,反思政府在构建农村社会保障法律制度中所发挥的主导和基础作用,提出在社会法视阈下政府应定位在承担法律制度构建、财政支撑和监督管理之责任。     

公害犯罪因果关系推定

公害,作为经济高度发展的产物,正在给国民生活带来巨大威胁.公害犯罪因果关系的证明具有科技性、间接性、积累性、长期性、潜伏性和滞后性等特点.在此情况下,若固守传统的刑法因果关系理论,不仅会使诉讼陷入不必要的科学论争,而且也往往会因原告方无法证明事实因果关系的存在而使大量的公害犯罪得不到应有的制裁,使受害者的权益得不到及时的救济,有损于公平正义的法制理念.因此,应当在公害犯罪因果关系的认定中引人推定.     

Elite and Everyday Social Contracts in Bosnia and Herzegovina: Pathways to Forging a National Social Contract?

ABSTRACT

The Dayton Peace Agreement ended the violence in Bosnia–Herzegovina, however, it also solidified antagonistic political identities leading to the creation of two social contracts: an ‘elite social contract’ involving primarily political elites of the main ethnic groups and an ‘everyday social contract’ involving ordinary citizens trying to manage a complex social and economic environment. The first social contract is hegemonic, however, alternative, non-nationalist views are slowly emerging. Grassroots groups, the surviving remnants of inter-ethnic coexistence, the integrating pull of market forces and the presence of a large diaspora all constitute resources for the creation of a resilient national social contract.     

论冤案的救济机制

在纠正冤案的意义十分重大。冤案纠正后的受益者首先是国家和社会，其次才是无辜者及其家属。国家应承担纠正冤案的首要责任。我们应当思考、呼吁、推动和营造一个有助于使冤案得以昭雪的制度空间。这种制度空间强调的是，以个人权利尤其是犯罪嫌疑人、被告人的权利为根本，靠制度本身的力量来纠正冤案，公开更多的冤案文本，鼓励学者们对其成因和预防等问题的研究，保护新闻媒体对冤案曝光和跟踪监督的权利。因此，需要建立冤案的救济途径，给冤案的平反昭雪以制度上的保障。在西方国家，要纠正错案总是存在很大的阻力，但是，总的说来，法治国家的伸冤机制明显优于中国。现有被告人上诉、申诉、检察院抗诉、法院主动提起再审昭雪冤案的方式之外，应当适时建立适合我国国情，能够主动发现冤案的纠错机制。     

我国公共场所图像监视法律治理路径分析

在过去的近十年中，我国的公共图像监视在政策、项目及资金等支持下得到迅猛发展。在我国特定的政治与社会背景下，公共场所图像监视是社会治安综合治理与公共安全技术防范系统的一个组成部分．呈现出政策创议、项目推动的发展历程。在法律治理和回应性法制视角下，公共图像监视法律治理是对公共图像监视实践的法律回应。目前，我国已初步构建起涵盖宪法、社会治安综合治理法律文件、公共安全技术防范法律文件、具体领域法律文件以及公共场所图像监视法律文件等公共场所图像监视法律治理的体系，但该体系仍然存在急需健全和完善的层面。     

浅析流动人口非正式组织的作用——针对流动人口聚居区的治安管控问题

自改革开放以来,数量庞大的务工人员作为流动人口,进入城市寻找工作。流动人口聚居区作为大部分流动人口在城市的定居方式,在一、二线城市已经出现多年了。流动人口自发组成的非正式组织是自身满足社交需求的重要方式。流动人口非正式组织对于公安机关的治安维持和人口管控具有重要的意义。公安机关应该重视对流动人口非正式组织的监控和管理。     

Peace-building and business elites in Guatemala and El Salvador: explaining the discursive ‘institutional turn’

ABSTRACT

The local business elites of El Salvador were generally in favour of the peace agreement and supported its negotiation and implementation in 1992, while in Guatemala the private sector reluctantly supported the peace process and, after the peace agreements were signed in 1996, the private sector sought to obstruct parts of its implementation. In the aftermath of the peace accords, business elites united around an ideology espousing a minimal state and a focus on market solutions to social problems. Although welcoming the security-related measures in the peace accords, business elites have often obstructed transformations towards more inclusive and democratic societies. However, in recent years there has been a change in discourse among influential business associations towards recognition of the need for strong state institutions and the need for institutionalised mechanisms for dialogue to find solutions to social problems. In this article, we seek to shed light on the significance of this discursive turn for continued peace-building.     

国际制度设计视角下的澜湄合作

为什么在湄公河流域已经存在数十个国际合作机制的情况下,还要建立澜湄合作(LMC)这一新型次区域合作机制?既有研究大多强调湄公河流域大国国际制度主导权竞争的宏观背景因素,而较少关注澜湄合作机制的新制度特征及其形成原因,即澜湄新型次区域合作机制究竟"新在何处"。与大湄公河次区域经济合作机制(GMS)等既有国际机制相比,澜湄合作机制具有两大新的制度特征:一是议题范围更加广泛,除了传统的区域经济合作议题外,还增加了区域安全合作以及水资源合作等新议题;二是集中程度更高,与之前合作机制主要由"职能部门引领"以及"借用"亚洲开发银行作为国际秘书处的做法不同,澜湄合作机制采取了"领导人引领、各部门参与"的机制运行模式,并逐步建立独立的国际秘书处。通过运用国际制度理性设计的理论模型,本文考察了在湄公河流域国际合作中上游国家与下游国家之间所面临的日益严峻的分配问题和执行问题,并以此解释了澜湄合作新制度特征的形成原因。     

Changing classes,changing preferences: how social class mobility affects economic preferences

Abstract

While many studies have identified an association between social class and economic preferences, we know little about the implications of changes in class location for these preferences. This article assesses how social class and intra-generational class mobility affect economic preferences drawing on longitudinal data from the British Household Panel Survey. In doing so, the article adopts a post-industrial perspective that considers horizontal and vertical class divisions. Even when time-invariant characteristics of individuals are kept constant (through fixed-effects estimation), it is found that both vertical and horizontal class location explain economic preferences. Thus, these estimations suggest that social class moulds preferences, even when accounting for factors that can lead to selection into classes. Moreover, people who change classes hold different economic preferences than their peers in the class of origin, but do not completely assimilate into their class of destination. This implies that growing intra-generational class mobility could undermine the class basis of political conflict.