论行政征收的公共利益判断

公共利益需要是行政征用的首要原则,公益性的有无是判断征用合法与否的重要要件.我国的行政征收制度忽视区分公共利益的应然层面和实然层面的两层含义,侧重于维护"绝对的公共利益".关于公共利益的讨论,应当着眼于支撑着公共利益应然性表达的实然性表达,即行政和司法审查的制度结构和运作过程.从这种角度出发,应当重点考虑公益界定向程序化和技术化的界定模式转化.     

论边缘儿童产生的成因及其游戏治疗

边缘儿童是在普通学前教育机构中,游离于集体边缘、言行举止介于正常与异常边缘的儿童.生态系统的失衡是导致边缘儿童产生的根本原因,家庭生态的失衡是儿童边缘化的诱因,同伴欠缺加剧了儿童的边缘化倾向,教师忽视加深了儿童边缘化的程度.游戏是帮助边缘儿童表达问题的重要途径,游戏治疗具有改善边缘儿童现状的功能.通过创设满足儿童需要的新环境,改善与修复已有的生态环境,以"家长参与"、"同伴介入"、"教师关注"等干预方式,修复或改善边缘儿童的生态环境系统,使边缘儿童的问题得以缓解或消除,使边缘儿童因顺应生态系统的平衡而逐渐回归到正常的同伴群体.     

A SHORT COMMENTARY ON TIMOTHY M. TIPPINS AND JEFFREY P. WITTMANN'S "EMPIRICAL AND ETHICAL PROBLEMS WITH CUSTODY RECOMMENDATIONS

In this commentary, the call for clinical humility and judicial vigilance in custody recommendations is confirmed as valid and the Australian experience, where the child custody report writer has for some years been permitted to express an opinion on the ultimate issue, is considered. The inherent risks are briefly discussed, and the question of who of the judge and the social scientist might be better placed to decide the exquisitely difficult children's issues after family breakdown is touched upon. It suggests that a combination of the expert's opinion and judicial fact finding probably produces a result that is as good as it gets. But a greater danger is highlighted. It is the impact of the adversary system, and whether it is suitable in any event to these sensitive court decisions.     

建立统一公法学的时代意义——兼答“统一公法学”可能遭遇的质疑

建立统一公法学,既契合了特定的时代背景,更将产生重大的时代意义。建立统一公法学的时代背景:一是权力分立的铁律被突破,权力交叉的趋势在加强;二是国家社会一体化解体,社会公权力快速成长;三是学科的细化在加剧,学科的综合在并进。建立统一公法学的时代意义:一是有利于提炼规范国家公权力的基本规律,完善对公权力的整体调整;二是有利于研究公法面临的新问题,克服传统公法学研究的盲点;三是有利于加强公法基础理论研究,完善公法学科体系。建立统一公法学,并非否定权力分立的宪政原则,并非为了部门公法学的自身利益,并不违背学科发展的基本趋势。     

The GMO food arena in the EU (1998–2001)

A highly politicised arena in the EU has been caused by the 1998 Commission legislative proposal with regard to genetically modified organisms (GMOs). The debate over different interests became more intense. During the EU decision‐making process concerning GMOs, two larger coalitions cutting across institutions and countries waged the fight: one was led by industry and was in favour of GMOs and the other was against and mainly rooted in nongovernmental lobby groups. In mid‐2001, the ‘anti’ movement had gained a (temporary) winning position. In an attempt to explain this, it was concluded that the industrial lobby has been nonchalant in its preparatory work for public affairs management, by not carefully studying the various stakeholders, issues, time developments and the boundaries of this arena. With the benefit of hindsight it can be seen that the industrial lobby itself has missed opportunities and made unforced errors. Copyright © 2003 Henry Stewart Publications     

A New Use for Practitioners in Teaching Negotiation

This article examines the role that practitioners as guest lecturers have traditionally played in the teaching of negotiation. The authors argue that, as seen from the perspective of student learning, this traditional role has not utilized the practitioner's expertise and experience to an optimal degree. Because of this, they have redesigned the role of the practitioner as guest lecturer in their negotiation course. They describe this new role in some detail. Their goal is to encourage students to understand how and why integrative negotiation techniques can work beyond the classroom in what students call the "real world."     

中国传统和谐思想概要

中国传统和谐思想极为丰富,主要包括民本执政理念、富民经济战略、公平分配定律、社会救助体系、民主决策模式、中庸治国方法、和平邦交策略等。这些思想都是中国古代社会治理实践的理论精华,对于加强社会主义和谐社会建设,仍具有积极意义。     

论和谐社会视野下的政府职能体系

构建社会主义和谐社会,是在新形势下提高党的执政能力、贯彻落实科学发展观和推进我国经济社会发展的战略举措。从系统论的角度看,社会系统要实现整体和谐,获得良性的运行和发展,必须构建一个政府职能体系。本文在深入研究政府职能体系结构的基础上,重点论述了如何构建政府职能体系。     

法治政府及模型演进

依法治国 ,是我们建设社会主义法治国家的政治方略。要建设法治国家 ,首先就要致力于构建法治政府 ,这既是法治国家的实现手段 ,又是法治国家的重要组成部分。本文从历史的角度回顾了法治政府的相关形态 ,指出了我国进行法治政府建设应该适用的模型     

RACIAL–ETHNIC INTOLERANCE AND SUPPORT FOR CAPITAL PUNISHMENT: A CROSS-NATIONAL COMPARISON*

This article tests cross-nationally the minority group threat thesis that public sentiments toward repressive crime-control policies reflect conflicted racial and ethnic relations. Using multiple data sets representing France, Belgium, the Netherlands, East and West Germany, Italy, Luxembourg, Denmark, Great Britain, Greece, Spain, Finland, Sweden, Austria, Canada, Ireland, and Portugal, we examine whether racial and ethnic intolerance—animus, resentments, or negative sentiments toward minorities—predicts greater support for the death penalty. Our results reveal that the respondents were significantly more likely to express support for capital punishment if they were racially or ethnically intolerant while controlling for other covariates of public opinion. These findings indicate that the link between support for capital punishment and racial and ethnic animus may occur universally in countries with conflicted racial and ethnic relations.