高职英语教学中的文化导入

高职学生学习英语的目的不是为了从事科研,而是为了从事有关的涉外工作。这就要求学生有很强的交际能力,而 交际能力的重要部分就是社会语言能力,即能够和另一文化的人们进行和谐交际的能力,所以,文化导入在高职英语教学中至关 重要。     

The Great Game and the evolving nature of political talk shows on Russian television

ABSTRACT

Much has been written about the specific way in which the Russian government under President Vladimir V. Putin uses television to propagate pro-government views on domestic and international politics by influencing what is aired. This paper examines the first season of The Great Game (Bol’shaya Igra in Russian), a television talk show that appears on Russia’s national television network Channel One, as an example of the government’s effort to shape public opinion. A content analysis suggests The Great Game differs from the typical Russian talk show genre in that it delivers political messages without much entertainment, providing cerebral discussions of issues that nonetheless back up all nine of the core “neoconservative” concepts underlying recent Russian political strategy. This suggests that the Russian government and television executives innovate to determine how best to use television to win over skeptical citizens to the Kremlin’s point of view.     

Populism and the politics of misinformation

ABSTRACT

The proliferation of fake news and of conspiracy theories has coincided with the emergence of the digital media. Although the extensive distribution of misinformation is nothing new, the emergence of online media proved to be especially fertile for conspiratorial populists in transmitting distorted information. Since 2016, conspiracy theories, disguised as news, have spread like a snowstorm across the political scene on both sides of the Atlantic. As I discuss in this paper, this climate has enabled conspiratorial populists to be especially successful in spreading suspicion of established knowledge, which they claim to have been produced by the elite and which is eschewed for its association with the powerful. Alongside the diminished gatekeeping capabilities of the mainstream media, it thus becomes ever more difficult for people to distinguish between factual stories and fictitious news often spread via unscrupulous websites, as both can be presented in the same guise.     

“非事件性新闻”质疑

非事件性新闻的论争由来已久.新闻改革的深入,使得论争已逐渐由理论层面波及实践层面.“非事件性新闻”本身提法欠妥;其实质是一种与客观报道相对应的理性报道方式;这种报道方式应坚持“理附于事”的报道原则;与客观报道相比,对其时效性要求应有所宽容.     

浅谈翻译中的“归化”与“异化”

翻译活动中不可避免地要涉及到文化现象的处理.归化原则和异化原则体现了翻译活动中在处理文化因素方面的两种相对立的观点.事实证明,翻译活动是一个由多种因素决定的复杂过程,归化和异化原则应该被灵活地加以运用.     

结构语义学与英语词汇教学

结构语义学是现代语义学中一个新的分支,认为词汇间是有联系的,即有含蓄的语义关系,如下义关系、反义关系、相对关系。在英语词汇教学中运用结构语义学,可以帮助学生加深对词汇间含蓄语义关系的理解,增强学习英语的兴趣,从而提高运用语言的能力和英语交际能力。     

The Politics of England

Party political interest in the so‐called ‘English Question’ has grown in recent years, due to the enmeshing of constitutional issues with a growing political and public affiliation with and expression of English national identity and culture. More recently, attention has shifted to the decentralisation of government within England. The ‘English Question’ is thus defined by two interconnected but distinctive ‘English Questions’. This article will assess whether, in seeking to find answers for these ‘English Questions’, the Conservatives and Labour are establishing a more distinctive ‘politics of England’. It will first consider the extent to which the politicisation of English identity and civic society have stimulated a more nationally framed political culture and party politics, and then assess whether constitutional reforms undertaken in Westminster, especially the introduction of EVEL, and regional devolution initiatives within England might facilitate greater party political engagement with an emergent ‘politics of England’.     

Devolution in England—Is the Genie out of the Lamp?

This article explores the extent to which devolution within England can address the general malaise that is often described as ‘the English Question’. It considers how far the devolution genie might be considered out of the lamp. It takes as its basis three broad arguments for devolution—an economic case, a case concerning public service reform and a democratic argument for the decentralisation of power—and for each of these three it explores the theoretical underpinnings for the argument, how things are currently playing out in the current political context and what we might expect to see in the future. The article concludes with some suggestions as to how debates about the English Question might play out in the years ahead.     

Going It Alone or Playing to the Crowd? A Critique of Individual Budgets and the Personalisation of Health Care in the English National Health Service

The introduction of individual budgets into English health care is a recent example of the pervasive drive towards personalisation in welfare sector organisation and delivery. As a heavily centralised and highly bureaucratic institution, the National Health Service (NHS) is an obvious target for personalisation. On the other hand, as a symbol of solidarity and nationhood it retains a powerful place within the collective psyche, such that radical reform might expect to encounter resistance. This paper analyses the assumptions that are inherent in personalisation and raises concerns over its ability to transform health‐care services. At the heart of these concerns is the tension between appeals to tailored service provision and empowerment on the one hand, and promotion of a strong social contract, public trust in institutions, and collective identity on the other. Lessons are drawn for personalisation in other sectors and settings.     

Changing the Face of Advocacy? Explaining Interest Organizations’ Use of Social Media Strategies

Social media have increasingly been recognized as an important and effective tool for advocacy. A growing body of research examines the use of social media in grassroots and social movements as well as issues related to civic engagement, social capital, and voter turnout. The extent to which organized interest groups have adopted social media as an advocacy tool, however, has been relatively ignored. This article examines the determinants of the use of social media tools by a broad range of interest organizations. We argue that social media use needs to be understood as part of an interest organization’s larger set of news media lobbying strategies. We explain social media use as a function of two factors: first, the importance organizations place on trying to shape lobbying debates through the news media; second, the importance they place on shaping their public image via the news media. We test this argument using a unique data set of interest group advocacy in the European Union. Controlling for a host of competing explanations, regression results provide evidence supporting our central argument.