论行政征收的公共利益判断

公共利益需要是行政征用的首要原则,公益性的有无是判断征用合法与否的重要要件.我国的行政征收制度忽视区分公共利益的应然层面和实然层面的两层含义,侧重于维护"绝对的公共利益".关于公共利益的讨论,应当着眼于支撑着公共利益应然性表达的实然性表达,即行政和司法审查的制度结构和运作过程.从这种角度出发,应当重点考虑公益界定向程序化和技术化的界定模式转化.     

执行程序的局部修正与整体改革——兼论司法改革的整体性

治理"执行难"应有整体思路,需要通盘考虑民事诉讼法的全面修订与制定独立的强制执行法这两个相互关联的问题.法律的局部修订应与我国司法改革的进程相互协调,总结司法实践的经验教训,用法律的形式将已经取得的改革成果固定下来,同时也为将来进一步的改革提供宏观思路和整体规划,使立法与改革相辅相成,相互促进.     

国际刑事司法协助制度的若干新发展

《联合国打击跨国有组织犯罪公约》和《联合国反腐败公约》对国际刑事司法协助制度的新近发展作出了一定程度的总结,特别是确立了以追缴被非法转移的犯罪所得或收益为中心的司法协助新体系,放宽了双重犯罪原则对非强制性司法协助活动的限制作用,全面推广司法协助"中央机关"的联系机制,同时,倡导各国在条件允许的情况下采纳远程视频听证和联合调查的取证新方式。这些发展所涉及的一些新规则值得加以深入研究。     

A SHORT COMMENTARY ON TIMOTHY M. TIPPINS AND JEFFREY P. WITTMANN'S "EMPIRICAL AND ETHICAL PROBLEMS WITH CUSTODY RECOMMENDATIONS

In this commentary, the call for clinical humility and judicial vigilance in custody recommendations is confirmed as valid and the Australian experience, where the child custody report writer has for some years been permitted to express an opinion on the ultimate issue, is considered. The inherent risks are briefly discussed, and the question of who of the judge and the social scientist might be better placed to decide the exquisitely difficult children's issues after family breakdown is touched upon. It suggests that a combination of the expert's opinion and judicial fact finding probably produces a result that is as good as it gets. But a greater danger is highlighted. It is the impact of the adversary system, and whether it is suitable in any event to these sensitive court decisions.     

建立统一公法学的时代意义——兼答“统一公法学”可能遭遇的质疑

建立统一公法学,既契合了特定的时代背景,更将产生重大的时代意义。建立统一公法学的时代背景:一是权力分立的铁律被突破,权力交叉的趋势在加强;二是国家社会一体化解体,社会公权力快速成长;三是学科的细化在加剧,学科的综合在并进。建立统一公法学的时代意义:一是有利于提炼规范国家公权力的基本规律,完善对公权力的整体调整;二是有利于研究公法面临的新问题,克服传统公法学研究的盲点;三是有利于加强公法基础理论研究,完善公法学科体系。建立统一公法学,并非否定权力分立的宪政原则,并非为了部门公法学的自身利益,并不违背学科发展的基本趋势。     

The GMO food arena in the EU (1998–2001)

A highly politicised arena in the EU has been caused by the 1998 Commission legislative proposal with regard to genetically modified organisms (GMOs). The debate over different interests became more intense. During the EU decision‐making process concerning GMOs, two larger coalitions cutting across institutions and countries waged the fight: one was led by industry and was in favour of GMOs and the other was against and mainly rooted in nongovernmental lobby groups. In mid‐2001, the ‘anti’ movement had gained a (temporary) winning position. In an attempt to explain this, it was concluded that the industrial lobby has been nonchalant in its preparatory work for public affairs management, by not carefully studying the various stakeholders, issues, time developments and the boundaries of this arena. With the benefit of hindsight it can be seen that the industrial lobby itself has missed opportunities and made unforced errors. Copyright © 2003 Henry Stewart Publications     

法律保留原则探析

法律保留滥觞于英国的《自由大宪章,》是法治国家的基本法律原则与制度。法律保留包括立法法律保留与行政法律保留。前者作用于立法领域,旨在划定议会立法权力与政府立法权力的界限;后者作用于行政领域,旨在规范行政权力的行使。前者的理论基础是议会民主原则与分权原则,后者的理论依据是法治主义。     

A New Use for Practitioners in Teaching Negotiation

This article examines the role that practitioners as guest lecturers have traditionally played in the teaching of negotiation. The authors argue that, as seen from the perspective of student learning, this traditional role has not utilized the practitioner's expertise and experience to an optimal degree. Because of this, they have redesigned the role of the practitioner as guest lecturer in their negotiation course. They describe this new role in some detail. Their goal is to encourage students to understand how and why integrative negotiation techniques can work beyond the classroom in what students call the "real world."     

以中美制度分析为基础论中国公司资本制度模式选择

美国为授权资本制的典型国家,中国实行法定资本制有其特殊的背景。以中美制度分析为基础看公司资本制度模式选择,中国应采取折衷授权资本制。     

RACIAL–ETHNIC INTOLERANCE AND SUPPORT FOR CAPITAL PUNISHMENT: A CROSS-NATIONAL COMPARISON*

This article tests cross-nationally the minority group threat thesis that public sentiments toward repressive crime-control policies reflect conflicted racial and ethnic relations. Using multiple data sets representing France, Belgium, the Netherlands, East and West Germany, Italy, Luxembourg, Denmark, Great Britain, Greece, Spain, Finland, Sweden, Austria, Canada, Ireland, and Portugal, we examine whether racial and ethnic intolerance—animus, resentments, or negative sentiments toward minorities—predicts greater support for the death penalty. Our results reveal that the respondents were significantly more likely to express support for capital punishment if they were racially or ethnically intolerant while controlling for other covariates of public opinion. These findings indicate that the link between support for capital punishment and racial and ethnic animus may occur universally in countries with conflicted racial and ethnic relations.