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551.
While most accounts of the Dublin Lockout of 1913–1914 consider it primarily as an event in Irish history, it was also one of the most important struggles in twentieth-century British history. It was influenced by, and was an integral part of the great ‘labour unrest’ that swept over Britain in the years 1911–1914 and had tremendous repercussions in Britain as well as Ireland. This article provides much neglected analysis of the nature, extent and dynamics of the solidarity campaign that was generated on the British mainland for the Lockout (probably the only other comparable event was the national miners’ strike of 1984–1985), the reasons why such widespread support was forthcoming and its broader implications for understanding the strengths and weaknesses of militant trade unionism in Britain during this period. It provides a comprehensive re-examination of the historical record and offers a critical analysis of existing predominant historiographical interpretations of the dispute. In the process, the article provides new insights into the potential and limits of Jim Larkin’s campaign to secure sympathetic industrial action inside the British labour movement, the refusal of the Trades Union Congress to support such an initiative and the inability of rank-and-file and socialist militants to overcome the entrenched resistance of the official union leadership.  相似文献   
552.
The role of international labour migration in processes leading to the (re)production of rural poverty in the rural South continues to shape critical academic and policy debate. While many studies have established that migration provides an important pathway to rural prosperity, they insufficiently analyse the profound effects that migration and remittances have on agrarian and rural livelihoods. This article uses the case of rural Nepal, where over half of the households are involved in foreign labour migration, as a ‘window’ to understand the processes shaping how migration effects poverty. The paper analyses how migration generates outcomes across the domains of rural people's changing relationship to land and agriculture, their experience of migration, and rural labour markets to advance our arguments. First, it argues that migration leads to the commodification of land, generating changes in patterns of land uses and tenancy relations. With respect to rural people's engagement with agriculture, migration generates both processes of ‘deactivation’ and ‘repeasantization’. Second, foreign migration offers an exit from poverty for some while also creating processes of deeper impoverishment for others. Third, migration leads to structural changes in rural labour markets, reducing the supply of agrarian labour. Consequently, in contrast to the simplifying ‘narrative’ accounts of a migration pathway out of poverty, this paper concludes that the effects triggered by migration are highly contradictory, providing an exit from poverty when linked to diversification strategies, while engendering rising inequality and rural differentiation.  相似文献   
553.
How has leave for fathers been framed during periods of intensive public debates in Norway and Poland? Recognizing that childcare policy is one of the key aspects of social citizenship, the article examines justifications for adopting paternity and parental leave schemes by mapping master and minor frames in various policy documents and newspaper articles. In Norway, periods of leave earmarked for fathers have been in operation for more than 20 years and comprise 10 weeks with full wage compensation in 2016. In Poland a two-week period of paid leave for fathers with full compensation was introduced in 2010. In both countries, fathers are also entitled to share parental leave with mothers. Our argument is that despite the different political, financial, and social context in the two countries, the discussions in Norway and Poland reveal certain similarities with regard to framing fathers’ leave as a degenderizing policy tool. In both countries, leave periods for fathers have been promoted as a means for changing masculinity and fatherhood, as well as a measure for advancing gender equality in the labour market. However, the analysis also shows that there are differences. While in Norway fathers’ schemes are increasingly seen as a tool to close the gendered pay gap, their potential for responding to demographic challenges has been central in Polish debates.  相似文献   
554.
Decent labour standards are a prerequisite for perceived justice and social cohesion. Insofar as they have been achieved in Britain in the past, it has been the result of collective bargaining between employers and trade unions. This has all but vanished in the private sector and, it is argued, there is no chance of its being revived. Upholding labour standards now lies in the provision of statutory individual employment rights. Experience with minimum wages provides some guidance on how these might be developed through social partnership arrangements. Once achieved, such rights amount to little without effective enforcement. Increasingly important for this is the use of the law and consumer campaigns to expose poor employment practices and complex supply chains so that offending employers can be held to account. If Britain is to avoid falling into a competitive ‘race to the bottom’ with Brexit, it must institute a robust means of implementing and enforcing decent labour standards.  相似文献   
555.
A holistic, agentive, and progressive violent crime control policy derived from the theory of violentization will be presented. The theory is based on three main ideas: (1) violent dominative encounters, (2) violentization process, and (3) violent communal disorganization and organization. On the basis of each one of these ideas, specific policy recommendations are developed for stymieing the formation of attempted and completed violent criminal acts; the development of violent, ultraviolent, and violent predatory criminals; and the transformation or maintenance of the communities in which these criminals evolve and later commit their crimes. The policy formulated is holistic because it attacks the problem of violent crime on three different integrated levels, and takes into account that not all violent criminals, violent criminal acts, and communities are equally violent; thereby, different modes of intervention are needed for them. The policy is agentive because it views both actual and potential violent criminals as active agents in their commission of violent criminal acts and rehabilitation. Finally, the policy is progressive because it makes education—antiviolent, remedial, vocational, and higher education, and gainful employment in legitimate occupations—the cornerstone of violent crime prevention and violent offender rehabilitation.  相似文献   
556.
The year 2017 marks 45 years since the first English publication of Marx’s ‘Notes on machines’ in Economy and Society. This paper critiques how Marx’s ‘Fragment’ has subsequently been repurposed in postoperaist thought, and how this wields influence on contemporary left thinking via the work of Paul Mason. Changes in labour lead proponents to posit a ‘crisis of measurability’ and an incipient communism. I use the ‘New Reading of Marx’, which picks up where debates in Economy and Society in the 1970s left off, to dispute this. Based on an analysis of value as a social form undergirded in antagonistic social relations, I argue that the Fragment’s reception runs contrary to Marx’s critique of political economy as a critical theory of society, with implications for left praxis today.  相似文献   
557.
Paid domestic workers (PDWs) in Peru, who are predominantly women, are one of the most vulnerable labour sectors in the country. We argue that an important factor explaining this is linked to national legislation that grants only partial rights to the sector, thus maintaining inferior labour conditions for such workers. Here we share our analysis of a survey of 314 PDWs, conducted between April and May 2020, confirming that PDWs in Peru are highly unprotected, particularly during the COVID pandemic, in which there has been a lack of comprehensive social protection schemes.  相似文献   
558.
我国戒毒治疗社区实验始于20世纪末“美国戴托普治疗模式”在昆明的移植。随着戒毒者复吸率的持续上升与政府购买服务的深化,深圳等地于21世纪初提出“无毒社区”概念,尝试探索治疗社区的本土经验。在回顾中国社区戒毒历程后,文章以深圳社区戒毒社会工作为例,探究社会复归理论下中国互助型治疗社区的理念与实务路径。研究发现,在戒毒者回归社区的自立自强中,需要积极建构互助型治疗社区的外部支持环境。同时,透过个人层面的激发改变动机、强化认知行为、重建支持性的家庭关系,以及环境层面的同辈互助、同事互助、自组织互助、正面文化营造等实务干预路径,社会工作可以协助戒毒者实现从“排斥”到“复归”。  相似文献   
559.
The agrarian de-collectivisation in Kazakhstan is an instructive case for examining the relative viability of large-scale farming vis-à-vis smallholder agriculture. Within the transition from communism to capitalism in Kazakhstan, de-collectivisation involved not only a redefinition of property rights but also a dramatic rupture with former modes of agricultural knowledge generation and use. Up to now, however, the role of knowledge and skills in shaping de-collectivisation has received scant attention in the literature on postsocialism. This article argues that the loss and inadequacy of knowledge, following the collapse of knowledge institutions and the shift from large-scale knowledge-intensive mechanised farming to predominantly manual farming on small plots, needs to form part of any explanation of the postsocialist agrarian crisis. The analysis shows the importance of studying access to, and control over, knowledge in constructing a theory of agricultural labour processes.  相似文献   
560.
This paper identifies impacts of value chain inclusion on labour from a social sustainability perspective. It focusses on the tasks, livelihoods and subjectivities of Amazonian flood plain peasants (ribeirinhos) who collect açaí for sale to an expanding market. The ‘logic’ of ribeirinho chain inclusion is explored using a combination of labour process and human security indicators. While household income benefits can be significant, gains may be threatened by monoculture trends and local power structures. Human security indicators suggest further caution. Whilst ribeirinhos remain very ‘flexible’ workers, chain engagement entails insecurities, as highlighted by their variable views of collectivity and contradictory positions with respect to sustainability. Sustainable chain prognoses require a deeper understanding of agents' means and of the preferred choices and voice of those working at the beginning of chains.  相似文献   
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