Building organisation–public relationships: Towards an understanding of the challenges facing public relations

Abstract

The main aim of this article is to investigate the challenges facing public relations professionals in building organisation–public relationships (OPRs), by means of an overview of related modernistic literature, mainly within a modernistic paradigm. Dominant business developments have historically impacted the broader role of public relations in organisations and society, and it is maintained that the change in the domain of public relations to a relational perspective is yet again a consequence of the efforts by business to survive in the new millennium. There can be no doubt about the strategic importance of relationships to the survival of organisations and to public relations. A relational approach to public relations has major strategic value, and embracing its challenges is vital for the profession. The relational approach offers a two-fold opportunity to public relations professionals, namely to confirm their contribution to achieving organisational goals through the measurement of their relationship-building efforts, and the prospect of realigning themselves with other business functions in the organisation. The main objective of this article is to review the change in the domain of public relations to a relational perspective, and to investigate the current challenges facing public relations professionals in building mutually beneficial OPRs on the basis of the relational perspective of public relations.     

论治理“过度医疗”涉及的若干法律问题

“过度医疗”涉及多种因素，依法治理应是根本的途径。本文在界定“过度医疗”构成要件的基础上，探讨了所涉及的相关法律问题，包括法律规范的健全、患者权利的保护及新型医疗模式的构建等。     

中国共产党与拉美共产党关系的曲折发展

1949年中华人民共和国成立,拉美各国人民特别是这些国家的进步力量和共产党受到极大鼓舞。20世纪50年代和60年代初,中共与拉美各国共产党的关系比较密切。到1960年,拉美22个共产党和工人党中,有18个党与中共建立和发展了友好关系。60年代初期,拉美共产党虽然与中共有分歧和争论,但仍与中共维持着正常往来。1965年至70年代后期,由于拉美大多数共产党在国际共运大论战中支持苏共立场,中共与拉美多数共产党的关系恶化和中断。与此同时,从拉美老共产党分裂出来的新党陆续与中共建立起党际关系。中国“文化大革命”结束和改革开放开始之后,大多数拉美共产党与中共恢复和发展关系,中共也调整了与拉美新党的关系。无论是与拉美老党还是与拉美新党的关系,中共都遵循中共十二大确立的“独立自主,完全平等,相互尊重,互不干涉内部事务”党际关系四项原则。此后,中共在党际关系方面,又突破了主要与共产党交往的传统,开始尝试与拉美民族民主等各类政党开展交往并取得重大突破,党际交往逐步由外延向内涵转变。     

Toward a Conceptual Framework of Emotional Relationship Marketing: An Examination of Two UK Political Parties

The purpose of this paper is to review the notion of branding and evaluate its applicability to political parties. As ideological politics is in decline, branding may provide a consistent narrative where voters feel a sense of warmth and belonging. The paper aims to build an understanding of the complexity of building a political brand where a combination of image, logo, leadership, and values can all contribute to a compelling brand narrative. It investigates how competing positive and negative messages attempt to build and distort the brand identity. A critical review of branding, relationship marketing, and political science literature articulates the conceptual development of branding and its applicability to political parties. The success or failure of negative campaigning is due to the authenticity of a political party's brand values—creating a coherent brand story—if there is no distance between the brand values articulated by the political party and the values their community perceives then this creates an “authentic” brand. However, if there is a gap this paper illustrates how negative campaigning can be used to build a “doppelgänger brand,” which undermines the credibility of the authentic political brand. The paper argues that political parties need to understand how brand stories are developed but also how they can be used to protect against negative advertising. This has implications for political marketing strategists and political parties. This paper draws together branding theory and relationship marketing and incorporates them into a framework that makes a contribution to the political marketing literature.     

论政府对现代企业的法制监管——以日本核泄漏案为例

随着全球经济一体化以及区域经济集团化的纵深发展,市场经济已促使各国政府与企业的关系日益密切。这一密切的联系是建立在目标统一以及兼有冲突与合作特征的职能分离基础之上的。日本核泄漏事件引出了突发事件背后隐藏的日本政府与民营企业之间官商勾结、监管失控等重大问题,对目前我国如何正确处理政企关系,明确各监管部门的职责,充分发挥市场自由竞争及政府的调控作用,制定配套的法律来弥补监管漏洞等具有重要的警示作用。     

采用自主研发似然比率计算器进行ITO亲缘关系分析

目的探讨采用自主研发的似然比率计算器进行ITO法亲缘关系鉴定的可行性。方法针对GoldeneyeTMDNA ID System 20A系统的19个常染色体STR基因座分型数据,使用自主研发的似然比率计算器,人工模拟100 000对无关个体及100 000个家系的父子、同胞、半同胞、一、二代堂表兄弟,应用ITO法,自动分析计算亲权指数（PI）和亲缘关系概率（RCP）。结果父子和无关个体关系概率界值下无重叠,具有显著差异。同胞关系概率大于99.99%时,同胞占66.48%,无关个体占0%,具有显著差异;概率小于99.99%时,同胞个体和无关个体有部分重叠,具有一定差异。半同胞关系概率大于99.99%时,半同胞占1.52%,无关个体占0%,具有显著差异;概率小于99.99%时,两组有部分重叠,具有一定差异。一、二代堂表兄弟关系概率为10%～90%范围内时,无关个体分别占90%,99.98%,无法推断。结论本文方法可用于推断父子关系、同胞关系、半同胞关系。     

试论治安关系

治安关系的相关理论是治安学基础理论的重要内容。对治安关系的界定有赖于对治安相关概念的理解和选择。治安关系是指在治安实践活动中,治安主客体之间形成的社会联系。它具有实践性、客观性、政治性、互动性、多样性等多种特性。治安关系有三种基本类型,分别是实践关系、认识关系和评价关系,同时,这三种基本类型各自也包含着丰富的、多层次的治安主客体关系。     

政教关系释义

宗教与社会各个层面既有协调的关系,又有矛盾、复杂的互动.其中,政治与宗教关系的变动最为关键.它决定了执政者必须考量如何引导宗教的正常有序的发展的问题.政教分离是现代政治学的一项原则.宗教与社会主义在信仰上的差异是次要的差异,它们在政治上、在经济上的根本利益是相同、相通的.中国共产党代表最广大人民群众的根本利益,当然也包括广大信教群众的利益.依法管理宗教事务的根本目的,是为了更好地保护正常的宗教活动和宗教界的合法权益,也是为了更好地、全面地贯彻宗教信仰自由政策.     

试析冷战后台湾对欧盟的“外交”

冷战后,随着欧盟政经影响力的不断扩大,从李登辉、陈水扁到马英九各个时期,台湾当局都非常重视对欧盟的＂外交＂,将欧盟视为继美、日之后的＂重点工作对象＂,采取多种形式,不断推动台湾与欧盟实质关系的发展。从欧盟来看,基于经贸利益的诱因及对台湾民主化的认同,在＂政经分离＂的外交政策下,也有意加强与台湾的关系。本文试图勾勒冷战后台湾当局对欧盟＂外交＂的基本轨迹,探讨台当局对欧＂外交＂的主要形式,并分析推动台湾与欧盟关系发展的因素及制约。     

对当今中国群体性事件的重新审视

近年来,随着改革的深入和各种经济关系、利益格局的不断调整,由各种矛盾引发的群体性事件时有发生,已成为影响构建社会主义和谐社会的一个突出问题。我国群体性事件呈现扩张性、突发性等特点,因社会、政治、经济等原因而引发。化解群体性事件,应采取建立健全社会安全机制、构建群体性事件预防机制等对策。