Pretend It Doesn'T Work: The ‘Anti-Social’ Bias In The Maryland Scientific Methods Scale

The social constructs and methodological principles embodied in the Maryland Scientific Methods Scale (SMS), comprising part of the Campbell Collaboration in Crime and Justice assessment protocol, induce a series of biases in the evaluation of evidence of crime prevention policy interventions that focus on collective social phenomena, such as communities. Applying these principles leads to negative conclusions about effectiveness; yet their inherent ‘anti-social’ bias may induce Type II error with regard to the desirability of ‘social’ interventions to reduce crime. Policy-making is poorly served as a result. This point is illustrated, first, through a scrutiny of the social constructs used, including those that typify treatments, institutional settings and units of analysis. These are seen as being constructed in a way that is congenial to the underlying methodological issue of ‘control’ but that constitute nevertheless a distorted definition of the governance issues involved in crime reduction in community settings. A model more appropriate for evaluating voluntaristic action in civil society is needed. Second, it is suggested that this methodological bias arises particularly in policy interventions and change programmes that address issues concerning the ‘collective efficacy’ of local communities in reducing crime. An empirical exemplification of these arguments is presented with reference to a completed evaluation research study (Foster and Hope, 1993).     

试论外商投资在江苏的区位选择

改革开放以来，大量外资涌入江苏，对江苏的经济发展起到了巨大的推动作用。外商投资在江苏具有发展势头良好、涉及的产业领域不断扩大、母国来源日益广泛、投资形式趋于多样化等特征。从区位指向来看，长江三角洲开放地区和沿海开放城市是吸收外资最多的地区，这些地区优越的地理位置、良好的投资环境、较高的经济社会发展水平及较高的开放 程度是吸引外商投资的重要条件。此外，外商在江苏投资的区位选择还具有母国产业优势与地区主导产业发展相一致的特点。     

深化行政体制改革的路径分析

十六届四中全会《决定》明确提出要围绕提高行政效率,降低行政成本,整合行政资源,加强行政体制改革的总体研究,继续推进行政体制改革,这是降低执政成本,提高执政效率的必然选择,因此要选择深化行政体制改革的最佳路径。文章认为:深化行政体制改革的路径,从政府职能来看,是责任政府;从依法行政来看,是法治政府;从行为规范来看,是透明政府;从管理方式来看,是效率政府。     

Pathways to power: Women's representation in the 2014 European Parliament elections

The 2014 European Parliament (EP) elections produced a record proportion of women MEPs overall (37 per cent). Yet, these results vary widely across countries and parties. This article aims to explain these variations, evaluating not only who the elected representatives of the 8^th EP are, but also how they got there. Are the paths to the EP the same for women and men? Are there gender differences in terms of MEPs’ political experience? A unique dataset listing more than 700 elected MEPs and their background, party and country characteristics is used to empirically examine who makes it to the EP and through which route. The results of the analysis suggest no significant gender differences in the pathways to the EP. Yet, parties matter: more women were elected to the 8^th EP from left‐wing than from right‐wing or ‘new’ parties, and both men and (especially) women representing right‐wing parties tend to be politically more experienced than their fellow MEPs from other types of parties. Furthermore, it is found that men are more likely than women to be promoted straight from party office to the EP, suggesting that some pathways to the EP are less open to women than others.     

The electoral connection of ministerial selection in the UK

Many studies have examined the determinants of ministerial selection. However, the effect of electoral incentives on government post allocation has so far not been studied in the literature. Drawing on data from the United Kingdom over the period 1992–2015, this article investigates the relationship between the selection of ministers and the electoral interests of the actors in this selection process – party leaders and members of parliament (MPs). The findings demonstrate that the greater the electoral safety of constituencies, the more likely are MPs to have a higher office. The results reveal a broader conception of party strategy in government formation than previously documented. The paper thus suggests that electorates can affect the allocation of ministerial positions in the UK.     

加强社会建设和管理的路径选择

在建设社会主义和谐社会的大背景下,如何加强社会建设和管理,保持社会安定有序,是摆在我们面前的一项重要而紧迫的任务。加强社会建设和管理必须推动政府职能转变、建立完善的社会管理格局、整体推进社会管理体制改革、建立健全各种应急机制、妥善处理社会矛盾。     

关于我国文化创意产业发展的思考

随着全球化进程的加快和知识经济的发展,以文化为核心的创意产业在全球蓬勃兴起,已成为衡量一个国家综合竞争力高低的重要标志。针对我国创意产业存在的竞争力不足及人才匮乏等问题,应从转变观念、构建产业支持体系、加快产业人才的培养以及利用地域优势等方面入手,寻找适合我国创意产业发展的路径。     

人民陪审员制度的完善简

我国的人民陪审员制度无论在立法层面还是在司法实践中,均有偏离制度设立初衷之嫌：人民陪审员资格设定过高,陪审员的遴选行政化,陪审制的适用范围不清,当事人缺乏对程序的选择权等,造成实际运作中陪审员“陪而不审”、“合而不议”,陪审制形同虚设。因此,有必要降低人民陪审员的资格标准,完善个案陪审员的产生机制,加强陪审员在审判中的地位,使我国的人民陪审员制度发挥应有的作用。     

社会参与反恐的政策路径选择

传统反恐怖工作多依赖于军队、警察与安全情报机构,因此在职责上侧重于打击和远程防范,并以政府机构作为提供社会安全的主体,组织结构以科层等级制为架构,在反恐工作中充满神秘色彩。但是反恐应对工作与公共突发事件应急管理尤其是后果管理机制上有其相似之处,因此如果将反恐工作流程进行细分,则为社会公众及组织提供了可以参与的机会。目前社会参与反恐的政策上主要有被动宣教、主动支援以及使用非正式武装力量等三种可供选择,并将成为反恐工作的重要组成部分。     

Tracking Movement and Temperature Selection of Larvae of Two Forensically Important Blow Fly Species Within a “Maggot Mass”

The current study responds to the lack of understanding about the temperatures experienced by individual blow fly larvae within “maggot masses.” The temperature selection of both aggregating (in a mass) and nonaggregating larvae was compared and their pattern of movement assessed. Infrared imaging determined the temperatures within a mass and in the vicinity of the constituent individual larvae, whose movements were tracked by dyeing their tissues red. Individual Chrysomya rufifacies larvae selected temperatures above 27°C, significantly higher than the temperature selected by Calliphora vicina larvae (24.5°C). However, this same difference was not seen within a mass, with both species selecting temperatures around 28°C. Larval movement in a mass was nonrandom, indicating that larvae actively select their position in a mass. Furthermore, larvae have a strong tendency to select the hottest part of a mass; therefore, maximum mass temperatures might provide a reliable proxy for the actual temperatures experienced by larvae.