科学发展观：党必须长期坚持的指导思想——学习党的十八大文件体会

党的十八大将科学发展观确立为党的指导思想，是不断推进马克思主义中国化的集中表现；是在中国新时代发展进步中发挥其方向性引领作用的需要；是以科学发展的世界观、方法论武装全党的根本举措；是不断增强深入贯彻科学发展观的坚定性和自觉性的内在要求     

Labour and Epistemic Communities: The Case of 'Managed Migration' in the UK

How do new ideas flow through networks to reframe policy questions, and what role is played by the growing world of think tanks and policy experts? This article takes the remarkable shift in UK labour migration policy since 2000 and demonstrates how policy was redesigned by networks of actors working between and within the worlds of think tanks and government, including the Prime Minister's Policy and Innovation Unit (PIU), the Treasury, the Home Office and the Institute for Public Policy Research (IPPR). The article shows how different kinds of ideas and knowledge flowed through different actors and networks to influence the reframing of policy, using the epistemic communities hypothesis (ECH) as a theoretical framework for the analysis.     

Party nationalization in a multilevel context: Where's the variance?

We use estimates of variance in district-level electoral data as a way to identify multiple dimensions of the nationalization of party support, including “static nationalization” and “dynamic nationalization.” The multilevel model we use—also described as a random coefficient, mixed, growth curve, and hierarchical model—yields estimates of a party's mean national trajectory of electoral support (fixed effects), as well as estimates of variability around the mean trajectory parameters (random effects). Using a general model, we present a two-step approach to first identify electoral variability and then account for it. We develop the model, apply it to three political parties, demonstrate its behavior under controlled conditions using data we create, and demonstrate its application for explanatory purposes.     

论我国法官释明权制度的构建

释明权是西方民事诉讼立法体系中一个十分重要的制度,我国民事诉讼法并未规定这一制度,但这一概念却在审判实践甚至法院的文件中频频出现.这一动向昭示着我国司法实践对释明权制度的客观需求,以及构建该制度的必要性.     

How do voters react when their party forms a coalition they dislike?

Abstract

While coalitions are conventionally seen as opportunities for parties to realise their policy preferences or to secure their control over political offices, recent studies show that citizens have preferences for coalitions which influence their vote choice. However, these studies do not consider how party and coalition preferences influence each other. This study uses panel data from the German Longitudinal Election Study from the 2009, 2013 and 2017 German elections to determine whether voters punish the party for which they voted for being in a coalition they dislike or, alternatively, whether they become more supportive of that coalition. We find weak evidence for the former but strong evidence for the latter.     

红色资源在新时期领导干部党性教育中的运用——以中国井冈山干部学院教学实践为例

中国井冈山干部学院在开展领导干部党性教育时，根据“四个结合”的原则，按照“一个现场教学点就是一部革命传统教育的生动课堂”的要求，挖掘、整合井冈山及周边地区丰富独特的红色资源，将其转化为新时期领导干部党性教育的生动教材，积极探索以现场教学为主的具有井冈特色的培训方式，以准军事化管理和流程管理为抓手，形成独特的学风和管理特色，取得了较好的培训效果，“六个一”模式的现场教学受到学员的高度评价，主要原因在于：现场教学的情境性，能使受训学员得到充分体验；现场教学的情感性，能更好实现“知情意行”合一的教育；现场教学的开放性，能有效促进教学互动和教学相长；现场教学的“六个一”模式，与组织行为学的“成功”（SUCCESS）原则高度契合。     

城乡发展形态变迁与基层党建的调适逻辑——基于苏南区域实践的视角

城乡发展的空间形态变迁、行政区域的大幅度调整、组织结构与治理职能的深刻变革，促使基层党建要以转型发展与之形成动态调适．、调适的逻辑基础在于党的组织创新要与变化了的社会环境相适应，重点应从战略上构建具有社会整合力的网络化组织体系，创新多种党建覆盖形式，增强基层党建工作的针对性、有效性、     

深入贯彻落实党的十八大精神 开创党校科研工作新局面

党的十八大对党校事业特别是党校科研工作提出了一系列新的要求和任务。当前,努力把十八大精神转化为开拓党校各方面工作新局面的新理念和新实践,是各级党校的一项重要政治任务。     

How the Bush and Gore Campaigns Conceptualized and Used the Internet in 2000

Abstract

Political scientists and campaign professionals have been intrigued by the potential of the Internet as a tool for accessing and conveying political information since the mass marketing of the first Web browser in 1993. Optimists have pointed to the possibility for more expansive participation and more substantive, in-depth issue discussions. Pessimists have countered that universal access to the Internet is still years down the road, pointing out there is little reason to believe campaigns will use the Internet either to spice up or to elevate the national political conversation. Such long-term assessments are premature, but we can offer preliminary assessments of how candidates conceptualize and use the Internet. Relying on surveys of online registered voters and interviews with campaign operatives and Webmasters, I examine how the online electorate was perceived and approached by the Bush and Gore campaigns in 2000.1 find that (1) voters were unlikely to seek political information from candidate or party Web sites, (2) voters were skeptical of information presented on these sites, and (3) the campaigns understood this and therefore saw the Internet primarily as a vehicle for internal communication and grassroots activation.     

亲权制度的流变及其现代发展的借鉴意义

渊源于罗马法和日耳曼法的亲权制度，为大陆法系国家广泛接受，并经历了从“家族本位”向“亲本位”，再到“子女本位”，从父亲单独亲权到父母共同亲权、从支配权到照顾权的演变，德国更以父母照顾权概念取而代之。现代“亲权”制度以子女最佳利益为原则，以国家公权力介入防止亲权的滥用，是民法未成年人保护的重要制度。我国应借鉴大陆法系亲权制度的现代发展成果，设立父母照顾权制度，改造现行监护制度，形成父母照顾权与监护相互衔接的民法未成年人保护制度，有效提高我国未成年人权益保护水平。