Nobody Knows Best: Alternative Perspectives on Forest Management and Governance in Southeast Asia

In this paper we propose a framework for understanding how dominant perspectives, or worldviews, influence the crafting of institutions, and how these, in turn, constrain the functions and goals of knowledge systems. Alternative perspectives carry their own set of assumptions and beliefs about who should be making the rules, where the best knowledge lies to guide decisions, and about where more knowledge is needed. Initially, four contrasting perspectives are elaborated: state-, market-, greens-, and locals-know-best. We illustrate the framework by exploring the recent history of forest governance in Southeast Asia, finding several examples of battles of perspectives leading to a new dominant perspective. In each case the dominant perspective itself, old or new, is shown to be defective in some critical way and was, or should be, replaced. The problem is that each of the perspectives considers the world as knowable, manageable, and relatively constant, or at most changing only slowly. Ecological and socio-political crises, however, are recurrent. Management plans and regulations or policies that aim to establish the land-use allocation, the best crop, the best forest management system or the best price or system of incentives, are doomed to failure. If uncertainties are accepted as fundamental, solutions as temporary, and scientific knowledge as useful but limited, then Nobody Knows Best is a modest, but effective heuristic for forest governance.     

隐性采访的合法界限

中国的隐性采访虽是新生事物,却越来越普遍.在驳斥"隐性采访否定论"的基础上论证了新闻媒体有权进行隐性采访,前提是没有超出法定界限,没有侵害社会公共利益或他人的合法权益;在驳斥"采访权优先论"的基础上论证了采访权与其他各种权利是平等的,没有优于其他权利的特殊地位;最后从采访的场所、采访内容、采访方式及采访材料的处理等四个方面给出了记者进行隐性采访时自我约束的参照条件,使其始终在法律许可的范围内进行.     

Institutions and the Growth of Knowledge: Evidence from International Environmental Regimes

This article argues that institutions not only reflect ideas prevalent at the time of their creation, but also play vital roles in driving the growth and dissemination of knowledge. Because institutions are not actors in their own right, however, it is essential to identify the mechanisms through which they influence the behavior of those who are producers and consumers of knowledge. The central section of the article explores three distinct mechanisms or families of mechanisms that come into play in this context:(1) framing the research agenda, (2) privileging certain types of knowledge claims, and (3) guiding the application of knowledge to specific policy concerns. The article's concluding section examines the policy implications flowing from the proposition that institutions play significant roles in creating knowledge regarding the issues they address. Throughout, observations relating to international environmental or resources regimes provide a source of illustrations.     

民事诉讼中的证据调查制度

证据调查程序和证据调查方法直接关系到当事人的举证能力和案件事实的发现,对此两大法系采用了不同的立法模式。英美法系以形式合理性为基础,以发现程序作为独立的证据调查程序;大陆法系国家受发现真实主义理念的影响,没有设立独立的证据调查程序。但也赋予了当事人一定的证据调查手段,如文书提出命令、资讯请求权等。我国民事诉讼法并未明确确立证据调查程序和证据调查方法,本文在对我国民事诉讼关于证据调查立法的历史沿革进行分析的基础上,提出了我国确立证据调查程序的思路。     

浅析侵害商业秘密权的损害赔偿

商业秘密权是知识产权的重要组成部分。正确处理商业秘密权损害赔偿是知识产权领域工作中经常遇到的问题。侵害商业秘密权的法律保护主要是行政保护、民事保护和刑事保护     

从代理理论看对高管报酬的规范

从效益角度看,对企业高管报酬的数额讨论是没有意义的,要想制定一个理想的企业高管报酬数额的立法、行政和司法标准,将会产生适得其反的效果。对企业高管报酬方法规范的重点,应该是提高报酬与企业业绩的正相关关系。相比而言,企业高管报酬的披露制度更符合市场经济的规律,也更有利于资本市场的完善。     

苏俄国内战争时期高尔察克反动政府的货币政策

作为一个军事独裁的反革命政权,高尔察克政府制定了相应的货币政策,企图稳定西伯利亚货币流通局面,提高反动政府信誉,以达到增加政府收入、满足巨大军费开支的需要,其结果是进一步恶化了西伯利亚和远东的经济形势,充分暴露了其反革命反人民的本质。     

机制创新与地区合作--以东盟非正式决策机制为例的分析

东盟的"5-1"决策方式和抽象肯定、具体否定的决策惯例是东盟正式决策机制所没有的,是东盟在具体的合作过程中的一个创新,是东盟决策机制的创新;这一创新很好地解决了国家利益和地区利益之间的冲突问题,是东盟具体合作得以开展的一个重要因素.     

论侵犯商业秘密犯罪侦查方略

侵犯商业秘密犯罪作为一种新型的知识产权犯罪,近年来发案率逐年升高,其特点是隐案多、犯罪主体相对确定、手段智能隐蔽、跨地域犯罪特征明显。此类案件应以“相似+接触-合法来源”作为侦查取证的指导原则,全面准确把握案情,紧紧抓住负有保密义务的人或竞争对手确定侦查范围和方向,多措并举,多管齐下,全面及时收集和保全证据,加强与工商和检、法部门的配合与协调。     

Political culture,state elites and regional security in West Africa

This article analyses the dominant patterns of political culture among West Africa's state elites in an attempt to understand what standards, beliefs and principles they cherish. We suggest that although there are significant differences across the region's states, the dominant political culture can be characterised as neopatrimonial, that is, systems based on personalised structures of authority where patron–client relationships operate behind a façade of ostensibly rational state bureaucracy. In order to explore these issues the article proceeds in four parts. After providing a definition of political culture and why it is an important topic of analysis, we examine the central characteristics of the political culture held by state elites in the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) region. The section ‘The Nigerian factor’ briefly discusses some of the malign effects that this culture has had upon governance and political economy issues in the regional giant, Nigeria. The final section explores whether the region's elites are living up to their own claims that they are embarking upon a serious attempt to engage in state reconstruction or are instead simply searching for alternative ways to sell their more traditional concern with regime protection. We conclude that, without a fundamental recasting of the political culture guiding the region's elites, a security culture that prioritises democracy and human security is unlikely to emerge within ECOWAS.