Modes of transition and the timing of separatist war onset: a comparative analysis of South Ossetia and Kosovo

This paper compares the escalation of civil war in South Ossetia and Kosovo and shows how different modes of transition deeply influenced the timing and type of conflict in these two cases. It argues that regimes resulting from a transition from above – when the elite in power leads the process of regime change and imposes its political agenda on other social actors – are more likely to ensure political stability in the short term, since governments are more cohesive internally, enjoy the support of the military, and can rely on a loyal bureaucracy. In contrast, regimes that emerge from transitions from below are more likely to experience civil war with an ethnic minority in the short term because of an intrinsic weakness of the elite in power. Under these circumstances, the newcomers need to win the loyalty of the military and of the bureaucracy, and separatist groups can take advantage of the incumbents’ weaknesses and try to build resources to militarily challenge the state.     

论秘密侦查措施立法的完善

近年来,走私、贩毒、贩枪犯罪以及有组织犯罪大量涌现并呈现出新的形式,致使一般的侦查措施在揭露和证实这些犯罪的过程很难收到明显效果,于是秘密侦查作为一种有效的侦查措施逐渐在我国侦查部门得到广泛运用。但我国现行的法律制度对秘密侦查措施缺乏法律规定,使这种侦查手段难以充分发挥作用。因此。完善秘密侦查立法,严格依法办案程序,真正做“有法可依、有法必依”,最终实现秘密侦查措施的法治化,无疑是我国秘密侦查立法工作应当认真研究的重要课题。     

“The Empire Strikes Back”: The US Assault on the International Human Rights Regime

We argue that the post-9/11 environment has amounted to a substantive change in the longstanding United States relationship with the international human rights regime. We identify three distinct phases of that relationship, noting that in the most recent phase, since 9/11, the US has moved from passive support of the international human rights regime to a direct attack of that regime. Realist and liberal regime theories suggest that the human rights regime is relatively weak, and is unlikely to withstand such an attack. We find that the regime has not only continued to persist, but has flourished even as US support has faltered. The human rights regime is surprisingly strong. We argue it is the ideological nature of the regime that explains its resilience, which suggests that constructivist theory is necessary to fully understand the human rights regime.

Explaining the birthright citizenship lottery: Longitudinal and cross‐national evidence for key determinants

In the modern nation‐state, birthright citizenship laws – jus soli and jus sanguinis – are the two main gateways to sociopolitical membership. The vast majority of the world's population (97 percent) obtains their citizenship as a matter of birthright. Yet because comparative research has focused on measuring and explaining the multiple components of citizenship and immigration policies, a systematic analysis of birthright citizenship is lacking. We bridge this gap by analyzing the birthright component in prominent databases on citizenship policies and complementing them with original data and measures. This allows us to systematically test institutional and electoral explanations for contemporary and over‐time variation in birthright citizenship. Institutional explanations – legal codes and colonial history – are consistently associated with limitations on birthright law. As for electoral explanations, specific electoral powers – Nationalist, Socialist and Social‐Democratic parties – rather than the traditional left/right‐wing divide, are linked with reforms in birthright regimes.     

Patronage and Power: Russia’s Dominant Party Regime

Following the election cycle of 2007–2008, Russia prepares to enter a phase marked by a change of presidents but continuity in the model of legislative-executive relations that was established under Vladimir Putin. During Putin’s presidency, Russia created an authoritarian dominant party regime. In such a system, patronage and coercion are used to ensure the dominant party’s control of elective offices. In Russia, United Russia’s commanding majority in parliament ensures that the president and government can enact their legislative agenda without opposition. The arrangement allows parliamentarians to enjoy substantial material benefits and patronage opportunities as champions of powerful commercial interests in return for conceding authoritarian powers to the president.      

Which Way to U.S. Climate Cooperation? Issue Linkage versus a U.S.‐Based Agreement

Several scholars have suggested that the United States can be compelled to reengage in the Kyoto process by linking cooperation on climate change to cooperation on trade or technology research and development. We argue that such issue linkage would likely fail and suggest that a more promising road to U.S. cooperation is to develop an alternative climate agreement based on federal U.S. climate policy. However, the question then becomes whether the Kyoto countries might be prepared to abandon the Kyoto process in favor of such a U.S.‐based agreement. We argue that if a U.S.‐based agreement were to be built on President Bush's current climate policy, the Kyoto countries (especially the European Union) would likely be reluctant to go along. However, if a U.S.‐based agreement were to be built on the many Kyoto‐like initiatives now emerging at state and local levels, the Kyoto countries might well be more favorably inclined.     

卧底侦查的相关法律问题

卧底侦查是侦破有组织犯罪、团伙犯罪等案件的有效手段 ,阻却违法事由的紧急避险是其刑法理论基础。卧底侦查不同于教唆陷害 ,卧底警察具有不完整的教唆故意 ,欠缺可罚性。卧底警察在侦查中的犯罪行为合法化 ,不具有可罚性。卧底警察不应作证 ,其提供的材料不能作为证据。     

论私分罚没财物罪

根据我国现行刑法第396条之规定,私分罚没财物罪是指司法机关、行政执法机关违反国家规定,将应当上缴国家的数额较大的罚没财物,以单位名义私分给个人的行为.此罪是1997年刑法新增设的罪名,目的是为了预防和打击司法机关和行政执法机关利用其职务便利私分罚没财物的行为.     

略论《政府信息公开条例》几点得失

新颁布的《政府信息公开条例》是我国第一部中央层面制定的关于信息公开的行政法规,对保障公民知情权、建设透明政府、推动信息资源利用最大化有着重要意义。但是,条例在关于公开的范围、方式以及与保密法的关系等方面尚存缺陷,应该在实施过程中不断修改完善,以求在我国信息公开进程中发挥更大作用。     

离职竞业禁止协议的立法选择——兼评《劳动合同法》第23条24条之规定

离职竞业禁止协议由于涉及太多的矛盾与冲突,其效力一直受到国内外学者的关注和质疑。作者在分析了离职竞业禁止协议性质和各国立法的基础上,提出中国作为大陆法系国家,在当前法官素质不高的国情下,有必要在借鉴各国立法司法经验的基础上对竞业禁止协议作出更加全面的规范,以指导当事人的行为和司法审判实践。