认罪认罚案件量刑建议问题研究

在认罪认罚案件中,检察机关提出的幅度型或精准型量刑建议都是控辩双方合意的产物,也是审判人员最终作出量刑判决的重要依据,审判人员“一般应当采纳”。但对于检察机关提出精准的量刑建议是否存在理论上的正当性以及实务上的可操作性,理论界和实务界仍存在不同意见,实践中也存在部分审判人员“不愿接受”或“勉强接受”精准量刑建议的情况,影响着认罪认罚从宽制度总体功能的发挥。为解决此问题,有必要从理论上明确检察机关量刑建议权以及法院审判权的性质及关系,使审判人员内心“愿意”采纳精准的量刑建议;在实际操作层面需要加强精准量刑建议本身的合理性和合意性,使审判人员经过审理后,“能够”采纳精准的量刑建议。此外,根据具体情况,还需要明确精准量刑建议的变更和补救问题,促进量刑公正。     

证券服务机构IPO勤勉尽责研究

证券服务机构在公司首次公开发行中扮演着非常重要的角色,勤勉尽责是证券服务机构的内在要求。证券服务机构勤勉尽责的实现,对于维护IPO的公开、公平、公正,促进资本市场持续健康发展,为证券市场投资者提供实质保护等方面意义重大,从其作用也可窥见勤勉尽责的外延及边界。勤勉尽责的认定,需立足现行法律法规,从整体视角对主体性质、发行人及其他证券服务机构的干预和影响程度、披露信息重要性等多方面综合考虑,并灵活运用,落实到个案分析。     

编造并传播证券交易虚假信息罪争议研究

我国学界目前对编造并传播证券交易虚假信息罪的客观要件、主观要件、罪数界限在认识上存在较大的分歧,经逐一比较分析,方可得出合理结论。     

辩诉交易的博弈分析--以囚徒困境为例

辩诉交易制度以抗辩式审判方式、法官居中裁判为制度基础,辩诉交易是控诉方与辩护方出于理性作出的行为,通过博弈论对辩诉交易进行分析,可以更好的理解辩诉交易在审理取证困难的疑难案件时,虽然不理想但却十分必要,是退而求其次的在公正与效率间寻求博弈均衡,是提高诉讼效益之必要方式.     

抵押证券制度结构论--以德日抵押证券模式为背景

作为权利与证券相结合的一种形态 ,抵押证券表现为两种类型 :一为德国模式 ;二为日本模式。纵观德日两国抵押证券模式 ,抵押证券在制度结构上分为两部分 :其一为抵押证券的发行 ;其二为抵押证券的交易。抵押证券的发行涉及到抵押证券的交付申请人、抵押不动产的评价等方面内容 ,抵押证券的交易涉及到抵押证券的贩卖方式、抵押证券的流通性确保等方面问题。我国将来如推行抵押证券制度 ,也必然会牵涉到抵押证券这些方面的内容。     

日本规制证券犯罪的刑法理论探析

由于刑法谦抑性原则的要求,刑事处罚乃是作为保护社会的最后手段,当民事赔偿与行政处罚等其他法律责任可以抑制扰乱证券市场秩序的行为时,则较为严厉的刑事制裁手段就无须动用。在证券市场交易中,维持市场交易秩序以及保护投资人权益都是证券交易发展上的重要工作。由于投资者属于不特定的多数人,因此日本在刑法上采用了危险犯的立法方式,提早保护投资人利益。     

解析工资集体协商中的三个难题

工资集体协商工作要想开展得富有成效,仅有法律支持还不够,尚须努力破解三大实际难题:一是"不敢谈"的问题;二是寻求协商共同点难的问题;三是协商争议解决难的问题。这些难题,需要相关部门与相关同志在实践中都来作积极的破解性探索。     

Buying treaties with cigarettes: Internal side‐payments in two level games

Two‐level games models predict that domestic division within a state can alter the extent to which that state is able to reach agreements with other states, and also alter the content of any agreement that is reached. I extend the model by introducing internal side‐payments composed of unrelated domestic issues. Domestic opposition to an international agreement will inhibit cooperation most when the executive and median legislators are in relative agreement about other salient domestic political issues. Domestic opposition to an international agreement will inhibit cooperation least when the executive and median legislators are in relative disagreement about other salient domestic political issues. U.S. ratifications of the NAFTA and the Chemical Weapons Convention illustrate that not all types of domestic division inhibit international cooperation—some can facilitate it     

Breaching the levee,waiting for the flood. Testing beliefs about the internationalization of securities markets

Abstract

In the 1970s and 1980s, the three major securities markets in New York, London, and Tokyo underwent significant regulatory shifts that lowered national barriers to entry and liberalized the markets. Popular explanations point toward technologies, economic efficiencies, foreign policy pressures, the removal of controls on international capital flows, or international competition as unleashing forces promoting liberalization and breaching the regulatory levees. Such explanations generate expectations about behavior once the international pressures are unleashed. Significant changes in overseas participants' market behavior should be observable. International competitive pressures should produce convergence in regulatory and transaction costs across markets upon one of two equilibriums—one by competitive deregulations or another by harmonization through agreement. Empirical tests produce results inconsistent with such expectations. Foreign participation does increase following the breach in the regulatory levees, but the unleashed demand cannot be described as a flood. Observable measures of market dynamics and transaction costs remain distinctive. The inconsistencies between results and expectations raise questions about explanations that emphasize increasing interdependence and international pressures as driving domestic political and economic changes.     

The changing political economy of Taiwan‐Southeast Asia relations

This paper examines the possibility that the United States could ‘capture’ the Asia‐Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum and use it to impose America's economic agenda on the region. It discusses Washington's ability to shape the choices of APEC's East Asian members at APEC negotiations to reflect US interests through employing its military, economic, cultural, and ideological resources as instruments of leverage and influence. While interdependence constrains Washington's use of military and/or economic leverage to influence the choices of APEC's East Asian members, the complex bargaining and consensual decision‐making features of APEC further prevent Washington from imposing its agenda on APEC. On the other hand, Washington's capture of APEC could be facilitated if East Asian policy‐making elites were socialized through the APEC process to accept American norms. This would tend to lead to preference convergence since the values of both the US and East Asia would coincide. The analysis suggests, however, that American norms are unlikely to prevail within APEC in the near to medium term primarily because APEC's East Asian members consider East Asian norms to be superior. American culture and especially ideology are not sufficiently attractive to East Asian elites and are thus unable to be used as instruments of influence. For these reasons, the paper concludes that the United States will find it difficult to impose its economic agenda on the region through APEC.