毛泽东思想的历史地位与当代价值

毛泽东思想是马克思主义与中国实际相结合的光辉典范,是夺取中国革命胜利的理论武器,同时也是中国共产党人的世界观和方法论,是建设中国特色社会主义理论的思想渊源和理论先导,是中华民族团结振兴的精神支柱和政治优势。在建设中国特色社会主义事业的过程中,毛泽东思想对中国经济发展、思想政治文化工作发展以及和谐社会建设与执政党建设的发展仍然具有重要的时代价值。     

‘We will not balance the books on the backs of the poorest people in the world’: Understanding Conservative Party Strategy on International Aid

The decision of the Conservative‐dominated coalition to ring‐fence international development spending has been, given the economic environment, one of most intriguing decisions of the new government. Recognising the relative neglect of academic work on Conservative policy towards international development, the article seeks to provide an explanation for its new‐found prioritisation. In doing so, the article suggests that it can be attributed to four possible influences: that it can be tied to the process of modernisation and brand decontamination of the Conservatives; that it is a consequence of the personal commitment of key elites such as David Cameron, George Osborne and Andrew Mitchell; that it is by‐product of the perceived success of the Department for International Development under New Labour, which made subsuming it within the Foreign and Commonwealth Office a non‐viable (and expensive) option; and that protecting the international aid budget was actually in the British national interest.     

“历史向世界历史转变”的内在逻辑与当代启示

＂历史向世界历史的转变＂是我们身边的经验和事实。＂历史向世界历史转变＂使马克思得以在更加宽广的视域中审视分工进而开启其世界历史话语,而且,＂历史向世界历史转变＂的内在逻辑及其当代意义也因分工的介入而向我们敞开了。＂实行最广泛分工＂的大工业首先开创了世界历史,并确立了世界历史的资本主导逻辑。分裂是分工向全球扩展的＂现代性＂后果,合作是分工发展的＂全球化＂效应,人的解放是一项世界历史性的事业。     

论影响青少年心理健康的环境要素

儿童的心理发展在少年期(12-14岁)和青春前期(14-18岁)处于关键阶段, 在这一阶段打造的心理素质从个体来讲决定着一个人事业的成败,从群体来讲关系着一个国家、一个社会的兴衰。近年来,青少年心理健康问题日益成为人们所关注的话题。从系统论的观点看,影响青少年心理健康的外部环境包括家庭、社会、学校以及心理教育和世界观等,其中世界观具有统摄作用。要解决青少年的心理问题就要对各种客观要素进行分析,认清各要素的重要性及其相互关系,了解其中存在的问题,从而有针对性地提高青少年的心理健康水平。     

Risk,Social Protection and the World Market

Abstract

This paper sees market building in Asia as part of the larger project of constructing a global market economy – a project which can be traced back to Adam Smith and, more recently, to the founding of a set of global liberal institutions in the post-World War II period. In the last two decades the global liberal impulse behind the creation of these institutions has gained momentum, in step with the emergence of a “world market” of genuinely global scale. The issue of risk is central to the project of building a world market. Following an introduction to the global liberal project, the first section of this paper addresses the question of risk through a critical analysis of the difference between negative risks (both external and internal) that pose a threat to the global liberal project, and the positive risks that the project seeks to embed and incentivise. The second section outlines the treatment of risk in the literature on the “political economy of reform,” and the third provides a detailed analysis of Social Risk Management at the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank over the last decade. The final section reflects on the implications for “building markets in Asia.”     

Lord Sydenham of Combe's World Jewish Conspiracy

Abstract

Ruotsila's article is the first in-depth examination of the development of the racialist and antisemitic thinking of one of the main expositors of British radical-right doctrine in the first three decades of the twentieth century, Viscount Sydenham of Combe. An active participant in all the major debates of the radical right, a popularizer of conspiracy theories to explain Bolshevism, Zionism and modern internationalism, Sydenham had unusually close connections with a wide variety of conservative (and later fascist) organizations and opinion-formers on both sides of the Atlantic. These gave him notable, and notably well-seized, opportunities to influence debate and help shape the categories that have, ever since, guided radical-right thinking. Ruotsila charts Sydenham's commentary on socialism and perceived German subversion in the pre-First World War period, and explores the linkages that he, and the wider movement of which he was a representative, forged between German power politics, Bolshevik revolutionaries and a supposed Jewish conspiracy. Ruotsila's particular contribution lies in the link made between these fairly commonplace radical-right notions and anti-Zionism, and opposition to the League of Nations and to the international projects of liberalism more generally. These points of the anti-modernist and anti-internationalist argument are shown to have been derivatives of a racialist, eventually antisemitic, conception of a world Jewish conspiracy. Ruotsila shows the development of Sydenham's thought to have proceeded from general, at the time almost consensual, racialist assumptions through anti-socialism to a full-blown antisemitic conspiracy theory.     

北京世界城市建设与高端人才发展:实践与对策

北京建设世界城市离不开高端人才的支撑。首先需要明确世界城市建设目标与高端人才需求之间的内在关系,并分析北京高端人才发展的主要措施和存在问题。本文通过借鉴纽约、伦敦和东京三大世界城市在高端人才发展方面的有益经验,从高端人才发展的系统环境、战略目标、实施过程和绩效评价四方面,提出了优化人才系统环境、完善人才管理机制、构筑人才发展平台、加强人才制度激励等促进北京国际化高端人才发展的对策和建议。     

重新审视群体性事件

对群体性事件本身的认识是否全面、准确,直接关系到群体性事件的预防和治理。本文分别从“群体性事件”概念的由来、群体性事件与突发事件的区别以及群体性事件的理论基础等多个角度,提供了认识和分析群体性事件的新视野,进而提出“新群体性事件观”,这无论在群体性事件的理论研究还是现实治理方面都具有重要意义。     

公司社会责任思想在职工民主管理中的理论意义及实践

职工民主管理是我国公司法上的重要制度,其思想渊源有诸多理论,公司社会责任思想便是其中之一。就其理论意义而言,公司社会责任思想否定了个体经济利益和公司股东利益唯一论,有利于为职工争取在公司中的利益地位;重视经济社会中的道德意义和伦理价值,为确立职工民主管理的基本原则提供了指引。但其局限性在于对职工管理关注的专注程度不够,很难针对职工的特点抽象出一般原理进而指导职工管理公司的实践;以公司及其管理者为出发点的单向性,不足以证明职工参与影响公司决策的正当性;没有讨论公司中不同利益群体之间的关系,因而在确定职工民主管理在公司管理中的地位时面临着理论上的困境。     

China's Recovery: Why the Writing Was Always on the Wall

China has been a major power for far longer than is typically acknowledged in the West. This paper seeks to redress established discourse of China as a 'rising' power which now enjoys common usage within Western policy-making, academic and popular circles, particularly within the United States; China can more accurately be conceived of as a 'recovering power'. A tendency by successive Washington administrations to view the world in realist terms has forced the label of 'rising' power onto China along with the negative connotations that inevitably follow. We should acknowledge the folly in utilising a theoretical approach largely devoid of any appreciation for the social and human dimensions of international relations as well as the importance of social discourse in the field. Finally, policy-makers in Washington must reconsider their realist stance and, with a fuller appreciation of world history, recognise that American hegemony was always destined to be short-lived.