共产党员的信仰与先进性

共产党由共产党员组成,共产党的先进性由每一名共产党员具体体现。信仰共产主义从思想上保证了党员的先进性,一方面政党对成员的要求决定了共产党员必须信仰共产主义;另一方面,马克思主义的科学性决定了共产主义信仰是科学的信仰。     

马克思主义政治冲突思想研究

政治冲突理论是马克思主义政治学说的重要组成部分,但对它的研究还很鲜见。本文试图在马克思主义政治冲突理论发展的历史与逻辑相一致的理论框架下,从一个全新的视角,重新诠释马克思主义的政治学说,通过运用辩证分析的方法对阶级冲突、政治发展冲突、政治冲突的功能取向、政治冲突的发展过程、整合政治冲突的制度性设计进行了比较系统的阐释。     

从毛泽东的个人特质看马克思主义中国化飞跃

毛泽东成功地使马克思主义同中国革命实践相结合,与他的个人品质密切相关。毛泽东使马克思主义同中国革命相结合的个人品质,主要表现在有极强的认识能力和创新意识,从实际出发独立思考,对农民的浓厚情感和对农民运动的深刻认识,注重调查研究,有较好的中国优秀传统文化修养和正确的国情观。     

论马克思主义对生态文明建设的指导作用

马克思主义对生态文明建设具有重要的目标导向作用、方法论意义和现实启示。马克思主义所追求的共产主义社会包含深远的生态意蕴,对生态文明建设具有目标导向作用;马克思主义的全人类视野、群众立场、实践观点、辩证方法和未来向度对生态文明建设具有重要的方法论意义;马克思主义对生态文明建设的现实启示在于建立空间相对有限的自然观、重视对资本生态负效应的规避和致力于促进人的自由全面发展等方面。     

批判性研究:行政学领域亟待拓展的研究路径

自20世纪80年代我国行政学研究得到恢复以来,我国行政学学科取得了长足的发展,但在研究范式上存在一定的局限:社会学科学中诠释性研究和批判性研究受到广大行政学研究者的忽视,研究者的批判精神乃至批判意识普遍缺失.针对这种现象,本文借鉴西方批判理论的合理成分,主张行政学研究要通过合理的批判介质,建立自我反省关系;在开展实证研究的同时应当注重价值问题的探讨,实现工具理性与价值理性的有机统一;运用"总体性"的方法,展开对行政学理论与行政实践的总体性批判.这有助于我们形成并拓展批判性研究的思路.     

马克思主义中国化的基本经验探究

不断推进马克思主义的中国化,要坚持以广大人民群众建设中国特色社会主义的生动实践为理论创新的源泉,以实现和发展最广大人民的根本利益为理论创新的目的,以顺应时代潮流不断与时俱进的创造精神为理论创新的动力,以研究和解决我们在前进中面临的突出问题为理论创新的着力点。     

A Liberal Marxism? Mutual Care,Global Humanity and Minimum Utopia

This article surveys The Norman Geras Reader: ‘What’s There is There’, a recent collection of the work of Norman Geras, edited by Eve Garrard and Ben Cohen. The article explores the relevance of Geras’s attempted reconciliation between liberalism and Marxism to some of the key issues confronting the contemporary left: foreign policy and the failures of humanitarian intervention and non-intervention; internationalism and the necessity for solidarity across borders in an age of nationalist populism; left approaches to totalitarianism and antisemitism; the possibilities and limitations of alternatives to and critiques of liberal capitalism; and the reinvigoration of utopian imaginaries and the futures they promise. It suggests that important lessons for the left can be unpicked from the contested legacy of the ‘decent leftism’ Geras represents, where reapplied in the wake of new political and diplomatic challenges.     

Classical Marxism and Maoism: A comparative study

The issue of the Marxist character of “Mao Zedong Thought” has never really been resolved. The present work is a comparative analysis of the classical Marxism of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels and the ideology of Mao Zedong. The argument is made that whatever Marxism there was in Maoism was the “creatively developed Marxism” of V. I. Lenin—which allowed for socialist revolution in retrograde economic circumstances—something that had been specifically rejected by Marx and Engels. That led to the theoretical idiosyncrasies that characterized Maoism throughout its history, and ultimately resulted in the form rejected by Deng Xiaoping and post-Maoist China.     

重新认识马克思的社会发展规律思想

西方近代不少思想家立足于唯心史观探求人类社会发展规律,马克思确立了其截然不同的研究历史规律性的方法论:历史规律性是根植于人类的物质实践活动之中的,应当到那里去寻求历史规律.许多研究者把马克思早期根据西欧历史而概括出的"五形态"理论,错误地当作马克思所发现的人类社会历史发展规律,而没有看到马克思晚年在这个问题上所发生的看法的改变.真正可以代表马克思历史规律思想的,是"三形态"理论.     

Marxism and the vernacular revolutionary traditions

ABSTRACT

Marxism has been the name increasingly given by friend and foe to contemporary radical revolutionary movements in the last couple of centuries. That opens the seldom-asked question, what about the radical revolutionary movements and ideas which could not be so described? For them the collective term often used negatively was ‘vulgar’, or, less negative but still unacceptable to Marxists, ‘utopian’ and ‘vernacular’. That last turn indicated spontaneous radicalism of the lower classes, which lack the incise language (polish?) of academic debate. The Oxford Dictionary defines ‘vernacular’ as the ‘language spoken in particular area by a particular group especially one that is not the official or written language’. It introduced often a history-passed-and-third-worldly accentuation. Experience has shown that most effective revolutionary movements were led by a group representing a mixture (interdependence?) of Marxism with vernacular radicalism, often described as Marxism with a ‘xxxx’ face (Chinese or Czechoslovak or something else). One can even conclude that for Marxism to make way it must link with radical local tradition, definitely not-Marxist. Moreover, it doesn’t quite ‘work’ singly, for its success depends on the mixture of Marxism and non-Marxism. It seems that particular role in that confrontation is defined by a conceptual (ideological?) set of collectively dominant ideas or ‘idols’. If so, a major blocking force to the advance of Marxist movements is, on top of the power of the existing state and political economy, some prevailing ideological elements accepted by the ‘masses’ since the Second International. Those would be ‘purism’, ‘scientism’, ‘progressivism’ and ‘statism’. We shall eventually touch in that context on supporting the revolutionary vernacular of the People’s Will party of Russia, its implications and its relations to Marx’s own Marxism.