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101.
袁宏道的游记 ,其新意在于出色地表现了自然妩媚诱人的魅力和人与自然生命间情感的“对话”。声色之美是袁氏体验和表现自然魅力的重要形式 ,声色之美也是一种价值体认。这种创造性 ,与作者看重个体的享受生活和审美生活以及对存在的深刻领悟密切相关 ,代表着晚明文学个性解放的精神  相似文献   
102.
There is an established body of literature surveying the role of language policy in identity construction. This paper exposes an angle that has been understudied. It suggests that national song festivals may be seen as a tool of ‘implicit’ language policy in Estonia. Informed by expert interviews and ethnographic, this study explores the tensions arising from the dual function of the festival. On the one hand, it sustains the language as the central ethnic-national attribute of Estonians. On the other hand, the ‘affective solidarity’ stemming from joint singing could support a stronger civic attachment to the language and state (by Russian-speaking minorities).  相似文献   
103.
We revisit the debate over the deliberate control of reproduction in historical China through a reanalysis of data from the Qing (1644–1911) Imperial Lineage that accounts for physiological or other differences between couples that affected their chances of having children. Even though studies of contemporary and historical European fertility suggest that failing to control for such differences may obscure evidence of parity-specific control, previous studies of historical Chinese fertility have not accounted for them. We show that in the Lineage, failure to account for such differences leads the association between the number of children already born and the chances of having another birth to appear to be positive, but that once they are accounted for properly, the relationship is inverted. Based on this, we conclude that lineage members adjusted their reproductive behavior based on the number of children. We also show that the sex composition and survival of previous births affected reproductive behavior. We conclude by suggesting that one way forward in the ongoing debate over fertility control in historical China is through application of such methods to other datasets and comparison of results. We also suggest that progress in the debate over fertility in historical China has been impeded by confusion over the definition of fertility control, so that some behaviors are recognized as fertility control by some parties in the debate but not others.  相似文献   
104.
Gustav Heldt 《Japan Forum》2017,29(4):450-469
Less discussed than its other noteworthy characteristics is the degree to which Tosa nikki marks the ways that song permeated Heian culture. A particularly valuable example is provided by the funa uta or ‘boat songs’ that are transcribed in the diary, which are the only extant examples of this genre. Moreover, they represent a rare instance of popular songs from the period that are sung by commoners rather than professional performers or aristocratic amateurs, making them truly distinctive within the corpus of Heian song-texts that have survived. This article seeks to flesh out our understanding of the diary's funa uta through a close reading of their formal features as they relate to other types of Heian song and their content as it relates to their historical context. In doing so, it will present new hypotheses about their characteristics as a distinct genre whose signature refrains expressing a desire to return home operated on the level of meaning as much as musicality in binding together their lyrics, and whose concern with the forms of alienation that extreme mobility engender is particularly suited to shipborne travel and the sorts of exchanges between unrelated parties that it entailed.  相似文献   
105.
In 1922, Chang Hui (1894–1985) published in Folk Song Weekly ten ballads with a shared motif: “seeing her through a bamboo curtain” (gezhe zhulian kanjian ta). Regarding the ballads as at once ten place-based, local folk songs and one placeless, national poetry, Chang urged attention to the exemplary influence of folk songs on the unification of languages in early twentieth-century China. Throughout the folk song campaign (c. 1918–c. 1927), however, the potential of folk songs to facilitate nationalization of Chinese language and literature remained arguably unfulfilled. This article examines the reasons for folk songs’ lack of influence on modern Chinese literary history. Through an analysis of contesting ideas and agendas regarding the literary nature of folk song, the author reveals that folk songs were rediscovered at a moment of modern Chinese history when prevalent discourses on Chinese language and literature could not fully accommodate the folk, the dialect, or the oral nature of folk song.  相似文献   
106.
曹植一生文采风流,后期诗赋散文均达到很高的艺术境界。无论是运用审美眼光去观察生活,开掘生活的美,还是运用形象思维,艺术地表现生活,传达思致;或文学语言的锤炼、诗赋体制的更新,他都作出了超越前人的贡献,诚为文学新时代的开拓者。  相似文献   
107.
明、清统治者基本上都继承了汉唐以来传统的“守中治边”、“守在四夷”的治边思想,都放弃了元朝以边疆地区为基地,积极用兵开拓徼外的做法。但由于所处时代以及面临的时代问题不尽相同,明、清统治者在对西南边疆的认识及治理思想上亦存在着较为明显的差异。受治边思想的支配,就使明、清两代在经营西南地区时,在具体举措上既有相似之处即清对明的继承,也有清朝基于时代的发展而具有的一些独到之处。由于明、清加大了对开发西南的政策和人力物力的投入,把西南与内地的政治、经济、文化联系提升到前所未有的高度。同时西南也在更大的范围内参加到全国的经济活动中来,成为全国经济发展不可缺少的重要组成部分。  相似文献   
108.
A new statute, “Hiding New and Old Fugitive Slaves of Manchus,” was added to the first version of the Qing code in 1647, and this statute surprisingly regulated that any offenders would be excluded from any amnesties. This is especially noteworthy because, according to both Ming and Qing codes, only severe crimes, such as treason and rebellion, were excluded from any amnesties. Previous scholars have not considered why the statute excluded any amnesties, nor have they analyzed how this amnesty policy was implemented in practice. This article contends that the exclusion did not arise from Manchu tradition. Instead, it was an exceptional response to the norms of amnesties in the Ming and Qing codes. Because the fugitive problem, involving slaves of Manchus fleeing from the banner system, endangered Manchus’ interests, the Qing court was compelled to exclude fugitive criminals from amnesties. However, the Qing court did not strictly apply the amnesty policy of this statute. Criminals in fugitive cases were sometimes pardoned because of amnesties during the Dorgon regency period. Dorgon, Shunzhi, Oboi, and Kangxi all initially excluded those harboring fugitives from amnesties, but later changed their amnesty policies in this regard. Even though the crime of harboring fugitives became a permanent symbol of Manchu rule and was recorded in every emperor’s enthronement edict from Kangxi to Xuantong, the Qing court gradually came to accept norms concerning amnesties as practiced in Han society and treated fugitive cases as ordinary court cases during and after the Kangxi emperor’s reign.  相似文献   
109.
王晓霞 《学理论》2010,(11):79-80
回族汉译阿文经典是明末清初在经堂教育兴起后,江南回族中具有学贯回、儒、释、道的学者适应回族社会发展需要而兴起的"以儒诠经"活动,对回族自身发展以及回族宗教文化的提升都产生了重要的影响,可以说是回族形成之后民族意识的第一次觉醒。  相似文献   
110.
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