"美学大讨论"时期朱光潜美学略论

新中国初期,朱光潜先生身处逆境而仍能在美学上大有作为.他积极参与了以批判自己的学术观点为开端的美学大讨论.在此过程中,他却能反客为主,提出了一系列带有普遍性的重大理论问题,最后卓然成一家言,既自我树立,又推动了当时整个美学理论界的思考,创造了当时美学界的奇迹.     

国有企业债务重组与银行资产保值增值

国有企业债务重组对银行资产产生了一些负面影响,使国有资产损失巨大。为保全银行资产,政府、企业、银行要共同分担不良贷款;银行应积极参与企业债务重组,协调好银企关系;要加快金融市场建设,为债务重组创造良好的金融环境;建立和健全相应的金融法律法规,保证金融资产的保值增值     

The mimicry of the state as a state practice: the regulation of rickshaw licenses in Dhaka (Bangladesh)

Around half a million cycle rickshaws are currently active in Dhaka, Bangladesh. With only 86,000 official licenses available, different types of organizations supply licenses to most rickshaw drivers. These non-official licenses mimic the language of the state. This article argues that while these licenses appear as part of non-state, hybrid, or twilight institutions, they in fact constitute a state practice. Based on approximately 200 semi-structured interviews at six locations in Dhaka and offering a conceptualization of the Bangladesh state as a party-state, the article shows that the operation of non-official rickshaw licenses and the mimicry entailed is an inherent part of party-state governance, one which is not morally neutral. While most respondents saw the everyday benefits of non-official licenses in the absence of sufficient official ones, the latter remained the most prized and, if made available, respondents agreed that the former would become redundant.     

Is there a Common Path that could have Conditioned the Degree of Welfare State Development in Latin America and the Caribbean?

The purpose of this paper is to re‐examine from a multidimensional perspective the possible existence of a single path that could have conditioned the degree of welfare state development (WSD) in Latin America. Economic/industrial development, trade‐openness, democracy and the strength of leftist parties‐labour movement are used as explanatory variables in the qualitative comparative analysis. In contrast to previous findings, this paper shows that there is no evidence of a common path followed by countries with a relatively high/medium WSD. Nevertheless, countries that experienced a low economic/industrial development combined with a low democratic experience were conditioned to have low WSD.     

‘Developmental’ policies and rent: comparing Russia and Sub-Saharan Africa

The article evaluates the concept of ‘developmental’ policies, comparing post-communist Russia and Sub-Saharan African (SSA) states. Asian ‘developmental state’ policies have been identified as developmental because of successful industrial policies and leaders’ ability to implement them. The comparison shows that while these features have been absent in SSA, notably due to the trapping effects of commodity dependence, Russia exhibits an original dualistic model where the negative impact of commodity dependence (such as the creation of rents) is compatible with developmental industrial policies. The evidence presented demonstrates the importance of constraints that stem from both economic and political structures, in turn explaining variations in developmental policy effectiveness.     

Religious market structure and democratic performance: Clientelism

Is there a connection between government intervention in religious competition and partisan clientelism in democratic systems? Drawing on the economics of religion, we argue that alongside commonly examined population-level religious processes (religious diversity), state-level religious processes (government regulation of competition in the religious market) affect institutional performance in electoral democracies. Linking comparative indicators of religion-state relations with measures of partisan clientelism, statistical analysis suggests that uncompetitive religious markets, such as those where a dominant religion is sponsored by the state, create incentives, infrastructures and opportunities that favour clientelism. The study emphasises the importance of light-touch regulation of religion not merely as a normative principle narrowly related to religious freedom, but also as a potential remedy that can enhance the quality of political institutions.     

Recalibrating social protection: Electoral competition and the new partisan politics of the welfare state

This article investigates the new party politics of welfare states with a particular focus on electoral competition. The argument is that welfare state politics are no longer just about more or less, but involve trade-offs among ‘new’ versus ‘old’ social rights, and hence social investment versus social consumption. However, party priorities on these issues are highly dependent upon their electoral situation. As electoral competition becomes more intense, parties focus more on vote maximisation than on their traditional policy goals. For left parties, this means focusing more on social investment, which appeals to their growing constituency of progressive sociocultural professionals, and less on defending the traditional income maintenance programmes favoured by their core blue-collar voters. Centre-right parties, on the other hand, should hesitate to retrench old social rights when electoral competition intensifies because they need to prioritise their appeal to culturally conservative working-class voters over their traditional fiscally conservative policy profiles. Using a new dataset and a recently published measure of electoral competitiveness, the article shows that as electoral competition intensifies, left governments are willing to prioritise social investment by reducing pension rights generosity in order to expand programmes for new social risks, while centre-right governments by contrast avoid retrenchment of pension rights and pension expenditures. The findings demonstrate that this relationship is moderated by the presence of a credible radical right challenger, which increases the electoral risk of welfare state recalibration.     

Democracy Interrupted: The Anti-Social Side of Intensified Policing

In 2015 and 2016, France was hit by some severe terror attacks. Following these attacks, the country experienced increased xenophobia in the form of anti-Muslim actions (anti-social peer punishment), and the French government reacted by declaring a state of emergency and intensifying policing activities such as house searches and police stops. Here, I analyze these reactions and show that intensified policing, even though well intended, can be associated with considerable anti-social effects. Furthermore, I will show that the state of emergency was associated with some dynamics that are worrisome for a democracy. Lastly, I will situate the findings in the conceptual distinction between institutional and peer punishment of behavioral science.     

新时期加强大学生党建工作的探索与思考

高校是社会主义接班人和建设者的重要培养基地,大学生党建工作则是高校党建工作的核心。尤其在新时期,大学生党建工作的重要性更加突出,然而新时期大学生党建工作却存在诸多问题。对此,提出了进一步提升大学生党建工作的有效措施:统筹协调,强化党建工作领导机制;结合工作实践,强化组织管理;科学设置大学生党支部,充分发挥其战斗堡垒作用;积极推进党建评估,以评促建,以评促优。     

党内法规制度体系构建原则与进路——一个基本框架建构的视角

党内法规制度体系的法治化构建,既是丰富和完善中国特色社会主义法治体系的内在要求,也是推进党和国家治理现代化的现实需要。党的十八大以来,党内法规制度体系建设进展迅速,“两个维度三重标准”的党内法规制度体系框架结构已基本成型,但仍不足以完满体现党内法规制度体系的逻辑架构与运行机理。在遵循一般法治原理的基础上创新发展党内法规制度体系,坚持党章为本与上下有序、党内法规与国家法律衔接协调、系统构建与突出重点以及与时俱进与稳中求进的构建原则。从功能主义视角出发,构建“1+2+N”基本框架结构,以党章为根本遵循,明确党的领导法规制度和党的建设法规制度两条主线,并在两条主线上延展出多个具体的制度板块。